【图片】印度借道缅甸加强东北部米佐拉姆邦的交通运输【伪阿鲁纳恰尔邦吧】_百度贴吧
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印度借道缅甸加强东北部米佐拉姆邦的交通运输收藏
加叻丹多模式交通运输项目加叻丹多模式交通运输项目是印度为了促进其偏远的东北诸邦的交通运输，同缅甸协商后，开辟的从印度加尔各答-缅甸实兑-加叻丹河-百力瓦-缅甸钦邦与印度米佐拉姆邦边境的海运-河运-公路运输通道。整个工程共分三期。第一期是建设缅甸实兑港码头，使其可以停泊2万吨的货轮；第二期工程为疏浚加叻丹河从实兑至百力瓦的158公里的河道，计划可以通行6000吨的船只；预计2015年完工；第三期工程是修建位于缅甸钦邦的百力瓦到印缅边境通往米佐拉姆邦的大约129公里的公路。[1] 该工程可以大大缩短加尔各答到米佐拉姆邦的运输距离，减轻“鸡脖子”西里古里走廊的运输压力，密切印度本土与东北部诸邦的联系。该项目总投资约2.14亿美元，由印度方面承建第一期和第二期工程，缅甸承建第三期工程，完成后将整体移交缅甸政府管理。为此，印度在印缅联合声明中宣布将向缅甸提供6000万美元的资金支持以修建第三期工程连接缅甸和印度米佐拉姆邦的道路,同时缅甸将获得1000万美元的援助以发展农业。 印度原计划照样画葫芦通过孟加拉国吉大港开辟与特里普拉邦的交通路线，但是孟加拉国一直没有同意。
米佐拉姆邦的民族米佐拉姆邦的主要民族是米佐族（Mizo people），使用米佐语（Mizo language）。米佐族分为很多的亚族，其中最大的是Lushai，几乎占了全邦三分之二的人口。其他亚族包括有Ralte、Hmar、Paihte、Poi、Mara及Pawi，此外还由不属米佐族，源自Arakanese的查克玛人(Chakma族)以及从缅甸若开邦进入米佐拉姆的罗兴亚穆斯林（1万人左右）。语言该邦的官方语言为米佐语和英语。宗教全邦约87%的人口为基督徒，是印度三个以基督教为主的邦之一。少数人信仰佛教或印度教。几乎所有的米佐族人都信奉基督教，大多属于长老宗或浸信宗。另外少数民族朱玛族信奉混合了印度教和万物有灵成份的南传佛教。1980年代，一位本地研究者宣布米佐人是「以色列失落的支派」，其后大约有5,000名米佐人和Kuki人（与米佐人相关的一个民族，在缅甸叫做钦族）在近年归信了犹太教。然而邦内最具影响力、差不多包括了75万米佐族人口的基督教会认为这种说法是无稽之谈。然而於日，以色列的瑟法底犹太人（Sephardic Jews）首席拉比Shlomo Amar宣布确认此犹太教社群为可信的以色列失落支派，并同时派遣一小队拉比到印度为该社群举行正统犹太教（Orthodox Judaism）的正式归信仪式。根据以色列的回归法，此批自称属玛拿西支派的米佐犹太人将可移居以色列。虽然该社群的男性基因（见Y染色体）找不到与犹太人的任何联系，但在女性的基因中却找到明显的中东人特徵，二者间的差异说明该社群曾有来自中东的女性嫁入其中。米佐犹太人米佐犹太人米佐犹太人在谈论移民以色列
印度东北部米佐拉姆邦竹子开花导致饥荒与独立　　鼠年：老鼠狂欢，竹子开花。米邦无米，百姓挣扎。　　位于印度东北部的米佐拉姆邦有上百人正面临饥饿。　　路透社18日报道，竹林茂盛的印度米佐拉姆邦迎来48年一遇的野竹子开花，这招来了成群的竹鼠啃食竹子。老鼠们在席卷了竹林之后，流窜到农民的稻田里，扫荡了整个邦的稻谷。米邦每个月大概需要16000吨大米，但是现在仅能保证1/5的供应。该报道援引国际救援组织的报告称：　　“食物短缺和饥饿在米邦8个地区蔓延。”　　米邦竹子开花总是给本地带来鼠灾和饥荒，当地人把这种现象叫做“竹子的死亡”。　　该地区上一次竹子开花是在1959年。当年的鼠灾和饥荒，直接导致一个叫做“米邦国民饥荒阵线”的组织的诞生。该组织鼓动人民反对印度政府的统治，并要求独立。　　经过20年的战争，以死亡3000多人的代价，米邦虽然没有赢得独立，从印度之中成功分离，但是却拥有了独立的邦的地位。 印度东北部的米佐拉姆邦最近爆发鼠灾，造成这种状况的直接原因是该地区的野生竹子开花。在当地48年难得一见的景观却引起了人们的恐慌，因为竹子开花就意味着鼠灾和饥荒的来临。BBC记者尼尔·麦卡锡走访了灾区后发现，当地的灾情令人触目惊心。印度东北部米佐拉姆邦的农民在夜间最害怕听到一种声音。一些人形容这种声音像风声。另一些人则描述这种声音很像是一部强大的机车在昆虫齐鸣的夜晚驶过。还有一些人说，这种声音就象是无数小镰刀在割稻子。天亮后，村民们才看到满目疮痍：花费几个月辛苦劳动、烧荒开垦的大片稻田被糟蹋得不成样子。一扫而空印度东北部米佐拉姆邦有大量野竹子开花他们的祖辈曾经给他们讲述过这种声音。这种声音每48年出现一次，就像钟表一样准确。这种声音就是老鼠泛滥成灾，大面积啃食庄稼的声音。这种声音给偏远的米佐拉姆邦带来的是天灾和暴乱。米佐拉姆在当地语言中带有"山民之地"的意思。这里山峦起伏，植物茂盛。其中一片片棕色的细杆子，不断被生长迅速的丛林所覆盖。这些细杆子实际上是一种野生竹子，每半个世纪开花结果一次，然后就死去。当地的老鼠特别喜欢吃这种竹子所开的花。当竹花盛开，森林里竹花遍地的时候，老鼠的数量会成倍增长。平时，老鼠一次生12只幼鼠，只有一只能够生存下来。但是当竹花盛开的时候，12只幼鼠不但都能够存活，而且在几个月后就进入繁殖期。山上道路崎岖，转来转去，路标不断提醒司机要小心驾驶。我们终于抵达拉图村，这里的鼠灾特别严重。罗桑加是一位喜欢开怀大笑的农业官员。他来到这里是为深受鼠灾之苦的农民送鼠药。老鼠把竹花吃光后，开始吃大片的稻田。我们在月光下徒步走过山坡，可以看到稻田里有一些奇怪的线条，凡是有线条的地方，就没有稻子。鼠群在攻击稻田似乎组成某种队形，就像军队打仗一样。泛滥成灾夜间，人们会被老鼠啃食稻田的声音吵醒我在一个小竹棚度过的第一个夜晚，被老鼠啃食稻田的声音惊醒。对于我来说，这种声音就象是无数巨大的雨点落在地上。在凌晨4点钟爬出竹棚向四周观看，在月光下，一些稻杆在颤抖，然后倒在地上，紧接着就是一阵争抢的咀嚼声和尖叫声。鼠群正在攻击这片稻田。往远处望去，银色的云朵从下面的山谷缓慢飘过，丛林中开垦出来的稻田清晰可见，静静地躺在山坡上。人们很容易被这种田园风光所陶醉。但是在这些沉睡的稻田里隐藏着无数的鼠群，这个村庄正在受到饥荒的威胁。我用话筒录取这些老鼠的声音，话筒形状很像是一个卫星天线，可以录到很远的声响。此时，一朵黑云从山谷下面飘上来，洒满了月光，逐渐把我和山坡笼罩在里面。突然，我在耳机里听到饥饿的老鼠发出的声响，距离我非常近。那个长着长尾巴的老鼠是不是正在从我脚上爬过？我不知不觉已经离开我住的小竹棚，现在强忍着内心的恐惧，急着往回跑。难以对付老鼠把竹花吃光后，开始吃大片的稻田。天亮之后，罗桑加与拉图村的村民开会，他们希望得到鼠药。鼠药其实没有什么效果，而且很危险。但是农民们现在感到非常绝望。村长是一位退伍军人，总是戴着他的贝雷帽。他承认，要想战胜这些神出鬼没的老鼠非常困难。他对我说，与敌人作战要比与老鼠作战容易许多。罗桑加插话说，他们现在已经开始攻击。他的话里所用的"他们"是指的老鼠，还是人类，我不是很清楚。天灾与暴动之间的关系具有很重要意义。上一次野竹开花是在1959年，当时也发生了鼠灾，但是印度中央政府没有重视出现鼠灾和饥荒的各种前兆，并认为这是米佐拉姆邦的农民在搞迷信活动。由于当地老百姓生活苦不堪言，爆发了分离主义运动，经过20年游击武装斗争，这个山区终于获得邦的地位。当年在丛林中打游击的老战士现在都身居米佐拉姆邦的领导位置，他们非常重视目前的饥荒以及这场灾难造成的严重后果。圣经联想老鼠泛滥成灾，大面积啃食庄稼但是住在拉图村山坡上的农民普·雷姆感到非常饥饿，疲惫不堪。他有两片稻田，其中一片已经被老鼠吃光。鼠群开始攻击他的另一片稻田。普·雷姆经常睡不好觉，每天晚上都担心稻田会受到鼠群攻击。他已经对政府没有任何信心，而是寄希望于上帝。米佐拉姆邦绝大多数居民信奉基督教，一些人把眼前灾难与圣经中讲述的鼠灾和饥荒联想在一起。另一些人则把这场灾难看作是一个神奇事件：一夜之间，数以万计的老鼠突然出现，将稻田洗劫一空，然后突然消失。这些老鼠就好像是从天而降，来无踪，去无影。不管是哪种理解，绝大多数村民都认为，这是一场具有破坏性的自然现象，他们只能挺过去。从现在算起，再过48个年头，人们都上了年纪。他们会告诉下一代人，野竹子突然神秘开花之际，就是米佐拉姆邦居民最不欢迎客人老鼠到来之时。而且很可能没有任何东西能够阻挡它们。
竹子开花还能结果？
广州植物园·竹子结果——“梨”
朋友相约去广州华南植物园拍摄“竹果——梨”，我当时感到奇怪，怎么回事，竹子结果“梨”？！
竹子开花、结果已算稀奇，若说竹子会结“梨”，那更是奇闻了。最近，在广州华南植物园竹园内有几丛梨竹（Meloeanna baccifera“Poxb.”Kurzf.）开出美丽的花穗后，不像其他竹子一样长出麦子似的颖果，而是结出“梨”子般大的浆果，故称梨竹。梨竹不仅果实奇特，生殖方式也与众不同，其种子能在母株上生根萌芽，然后再从母株上脱落，继而长成小树苗，在学术上称为“胎生”现象。
梨竹原产于南亚（印度、孟加拉和巴基斯坦），华南植物园自1958年引入该竹子，已经栽培了50多年，今年终于开花结果了。
梨竹的竹竿为造纸的上等原料，劈篾可供编织，竹叶可酿酒，竹鞭类似黄藤，可作为黄藤的代用品。
印度米佐拉姆邦将用竹子热解气化发电发布时间：　　
印度东北部的米佐拉姆邦将建立一家用竹子发电的发电厂，这将是印度境内第一家用竹子发电的发电厂。
《印度教徒报》29日报道说，发电厂定址于米佐拉姆邦的赛朗村，拟投资2850万卢比（约合63万美元），由总部设在班加罗尔的印度科学研究所的科学家设计。在这一地区，米佐拉姆邦还将建立以竹子为原料的一系列产业。
米佐拉姆邦能源委员会工程协调员本杰明.图卢姆迪说，用竹子和竹子边角料发电，不仅成本低，也有利于环境，其原理类似于用稻壳发电，即将竹子干燥后再热解气化，然后用产生的可燃气体来发电。
印度年产8500万吨竹子，仅次于中国，是世界上第二大产竹国。米佐拉姆邦是印度东北部最大的竹产区，该邦的竹子种植面积达到9000多平方公里（几乎是该州的一半面积）。
信息来源：新华社
Kaladan waterway phase to be completed by next MarchPublished on Tuesday, 01 July 2014 19:303The construction site of Sittwe port under Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project (Photo-EMG)The Kaladan Project support committee has announced that they will finish the waterway phase of the multi-transit route between Sittwe and the Indian border by March 2015. The Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project aims to create a trade route between Sittwe port, in Rakhine State, and the land-locked region of Mizoram, in northeastern India, via river and road transport.The waterway phase involves constructing an integrated port and inland water transport system, including dredging a navigational channel 158 km along the river Kaladan from Sittwe to Paletwa. "The waterway project will be completed by the end of March in 2015. The whole project will be completed later than the expected deadline is 2016. A waterway project from Paletwa to Setpyitpyin has been cancelled and it's decided that only a road will be built as a replacement," said a top-ranking official from Myanmar Port Authority. He added that the Indian company ESSAR which is carrying out several phases of the project will have to request more money from the Indian government to complete the road project.The expressway which will connect Paletwa to the Indian border will cost an estimated US$ 140 million. In April 2008 the Indian government signed a deal for the Kaladan Project with the former military junta, aimed at easing commercial access to the remote and landlocked regions of north-eastern India. Six 300-tonne vessels will also be built under the project but equipment still needs to be imported to Myanmar, according to the support committee.
印度东北部米佐拉姆邦人齐奥纳娶了39位妻子并生下94个孩子　　齐奥纳(Ziona)是一个名为“查纳”(Chana)教派的首领，该教允许一夫多妻。受到基督教的启示，齐奥纳的父亲查纳(Chana)于1942年创建了这个教派。图为10月7日，齐奥纳一家在印度东北部米佐拉姆邦巴克塔旺村(Baktawng)准备拍全家福。　齐奥纳现年67岁，是39名女子的丈夫和94个孩子的父亲。图为10月5日，他在巴克塔旺村的一处建筑工地休息。10月5日，齐奥纳的家人在乘车前往一处教堂施工地的途中朝摄影师挥手。27岁的拉米(Rami)是齐奥纳最年轻的妻子。图中，拉米10月7日在印度东北部米佐拉姆邦巴克塔旺村的家中摆姿势照相。现年71岁的扎西安吉(Zathiangi)是齐奥纳的第一位妻子，也是他最年长的妻子。左图中，扎西安吉10月7日在印度东北部米佐拉姆邦巴克塔旺村的家中接受摄影师拍照。10月6日，齐奥纳一家在巴克塔旺村的家中吃早饭。齐奥纳一家都住在巴克塔旺村，左图为齐奥纳家四层楼房的外景。卓丽(Zuali)是齐奥纳的第20任妻子，她在齐奥纳前往巴克塔旺一处教堂施工地前为其整理衣服。安吉(Engi)今年5岁，是齐奥纳年纪最小的孩子，图为他和兄弟姐妹一起在巴克塔旺村的家中摆拍。齐奥纳的两个孙女在巴克塔旺村的家中玩耍。
Kaladan ProjectKaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport ProjectOn April 2nd 2008 the Indian government signed an agreement with the Burmese military junta for the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project. The project will connect the eastern Indian seaport of Kolkata with Site-tway (Sittwe) port in Arakan S it will then link Site-tway to the land-locked region of Mizoram in northeastern India via river and road transport. The project is divided into three phases, the first and second of which are scheduled to begin in November 2010.Construction StagesPhase 1 – The port at Site-tway will be redeveloped to accommodate larger vessels and an increased shipping volume. This will entail dredging the approach channel and the port area (~562,000 cubic metres of material) to facilitate 6000 ton ships, as well as constructing two jetties and extensive loading and storage facilities that will significantly expand Site-tway’s current size and capacity.
The larger 219 x 15m port jetty will be capable of handling 20,000 ton ocean freighters, and a 54 x 15m inland waterway terminal (IWT) jetty will cater to the smaller vessels that will ply the river.
At present, Site-tway’s port consists of a 78 x 15m jetty and is appropriate for vessels of
tons.Phase 2 – Dredging 158 km of the Kaladan River between Site-tway and Paletwa in Chin State.
Another IWT terminal will be built at Paletwa for transferring cargo from river to road transport.Phase 3 – Construction of a 129 km highway between Paletwa and the Mizoram border.
Initial surveys and feasibility studies for the road were carried out by Indian authorities, concluding that “large-sized experienced construction firms of repute” would have to be hired to successfully implement the project.
However in June 2009 it was decided that the highway construction would “be executed by Myanmar government departmentally”.Companies and Authorities InvolvedThe project is being piloted and funded by the Indian Ministry of External Affairs.The preliminary feasibility studies (hydrographic surveys, Detailed Project Reports, etc.) were carried out by Rail India Technical and Economic Services (RITES).Construction work on Site-tway port and the jetty in Paletwa, as well as the dredging work, will be executed by the Inland Waterways Authority of India (IWAI), with Essar Projects Ltd, a division of the Essar Group appointed in May 2010 as the main contractor.Both RITES and IWAI are state-run Indian companies.Road construction will be executed by a Myanmar government department.FinanceOriginal Projected Costs*Redevelopment of Site-tway port and dredging the Kaladan waterway to Paletwa (Phases 1 and 2) – US $68.24 millionConstruction of highway between Paletwa and the India-Burma border (Phase 3)
US $49.14 million.*These will now need to be adjusted according to the project changes announced at the end of August 2010 after a review meeting by the MEA and the Ministry for Development of the North-East Region. Revised projections have not yet been released.Who will pay?According to the April 2008 Framework Agreement, the Government of the Union of Myanmar will provide the required land and security for the Project, including security for all personnel and technicians, for free.
The Indian government will bear the full cost of the project, which was originally estimated at US $120 million. More recently the cost has been estimated as US$134 million. Under previous agreements, the Burmese regime was supposed to contribute US $10 million to the P in 2007 the Indian Government extended Burma a minimum interest loan in that amount to cover the costs of the latter’s commitments. The April 2008 agreement does not explicitly mention any financial obligation for the government of Burma regarding the Kaladan Project.Who will use it?According to the Framework Agreement: “…on completion, the project will be handed over to the Government of the Union of Myanmar on terms and conditions mutually agreed upon.”
Those terms and conditions are outlined in two supplementary documents which either have yet to be agreed or simply have not been made public.
It is anticipated that the transport system will remain fully owned by the Burmese state, but be primarily used by Indian companies to increase trade with Southeast Asia and link the land-locked Mizoram region to the sea.
It is further expected that the Kaladan will be used far less by local citizens, since they will not be able to afford the tolls the Burmese government will impose on vessels using the waterway.Project StatusThe actual construction of the port and IWT terminals at Site-tway and the construction of the IWT terminal at Paletwa will start in 2010 and will be completed by 2012-13.
While limited work on ports and the IWTs is expected to continue throughout the year, river dredging will have to be suspended each March for the rainy season, and recommence each November. This will be repeated each year until 2013.The construction of the highway from Paletwa to the India-Burma border will start from the year 2011-12.
The project will be completed in three years (2014-5), with work suspended for five to six months of the year due to the monsoon.
ImpactsDamage to Local LivelihoodsApproximately a million civilians live in townships along the Kaladan River. The large majority of these people make a living from fishing and farming, and rely heavily on the river for both. Moreover, due to a lack of good roads in western Burma, transportation and the trade in both fish and agricultural products in the region is dependent on the use of this waterway.If the developments entailed by the Kaladan Project go ahead, thousands of people will be forced to drastically adapt their lives without any compensation or assistance from the authorities.
The developments along the river and around the Site-tway port area will damage and block access to fishing areas along the coast.
If residents are unable to access and use the river as usual, both during and after the construction of these projects, travel and transportation of goods for trade will be almost impossible, since no alternative means of transport exist.Further, the self-sustaining ecosystems on which locals depend will be devastated by this project, likely causing a rapid decrease in food supplies in regions that are already highly food insecure: Northern Arakan and Chin States have been coping with critically low food stocks since 2008, when a severe famin in this period the Burmese authorities continued to export hundreds of thousands of tons of rice despite the devastating impact of Cyclone Nargis on crops and food stocks in the country’s main agricultural and rice-growing region.Human rightsTime and again, development projects in ethnic areas throughout Burma have been the cause of severe human rights abuses.
Even during the preliminary stages of development, we have seen incidents of land confiscation and forced labour.Once the development of the river and the construction of the highway are fully underway, we expect to see the following:Widespread land confiscationPrivate land such as homes and farmland will be systematically destroyed without any relocation assistance or compensation from the government. This is a particular concern to locals living near where the new port
this area is a densely-populated residential area, and where the Site-tway General Hospital is located.Forced LabourMen, women and children will be forced to act as labourers or porters, carrying heavy loads, without remuneration. Breadwinners of poor families will be forced to send their children to work so that they still have enough time to earn a living.
These are acute concerns in the construction of the Paletwa-Mizoram highway as that section of the project will be executed independently by the Burmese military government, which has historically been a prolific violator of its ILO obligations to refrain from condoning or actively perpetrating forced labour and child labour.
A detailed project report carried out by RITES concluded that “sufficient local labour” would be unavailable for road construction, due to the fact that the anticipated construction season coincides with the locals’ cultivation and harvesting seasons, and that imported workers would be unwilling to go to the isolated and malaria-prone area.MilitarisationAmong the conditions stipulated in the Framework Agreement 2008, the Burmese military have promised to provide “necessary security” to all foreign personnel as well as the project sites, materials and equipment.
A perceived need for higher levels of security in areas surrounding the Kaladan Project, as well as at other locations designated for large development projects (hydropower and gas/oil), has resulted in a significant rise in the military presence in Western Burma and Arakan State in particular.
This has in turn led to increased instances of unofficial “taxation” and extortion at military checkpoints as well as cases of rape and violence, which are committed by soldiers against civilians in Burma’s ethnic regions with almost total impunity.There are currently over 30 military checkpoints along the river, compared with less than 4 in 2006. Merchants traveling the river are repeatedly stopped and forced to give up their produce, money, food and fuel for nothing in return. In many areas of Paletwa, villagers are made to accommodate soldiers by providing six cages of chickens per month, plus other domestic necessities.Environmental DamageIf the Kaladan Project proceeds as planned, extreme environmental damage will certainly occur, as Burma’s military regime has historically practiced a policy of complete disregard for ecosystems, biodiversity and the migratory paths of important species. Even the smallest change to delicate ecosystems such as these can cause a long series of unpredictable changes, forcing villagers to adapt their lifestyles impossibly quickly, causing starvation and disease among those unable to adapt. The project will cause the following:Extermination of benthic and nektonic species along the Kaladan River and in the area around Site- these organisms are essential sources of food for locals throughout the Kaladan River systemDestruction of mangrove forests along the coast and
these form the base of the region’s ecosystems and can protect against tidal surges such as those that killed thousands of people during Cyclone Nargis in 2008.Rapid deforestation to accommodate river expansion and the highway.
This can increase the occurrence of floods or droughts, and will impact the habitats of endangered species such as tigers, elephants, rhinoceroses, gibbons, hornbills, and Arakan forest turtles, the latter two of which are already near extinction.
从上图可以看出，通过过境缅甸，加尔各答到米佐拉姆的路程要缩短1300多公里印度负责建设的实兑港印度负责建设的实兑港印度在米佐拉姆邦的交通网络，加叻丹多模式交通运输项目三期工程将在缅甸钦邦修建公路，与米佐拉姆邦的交通网络对接加叻丹多模式交通运输项目三期工程米佐拉姆的道路，印度2013年已经从世界银行贷款来改善这里的道路
The first phase of the Kaladan River Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project （KMMTTP）being jointly implemented by Myanmar and India is expected to be completed in June 2014, according to the Essar Company, the project contractor.加叻丹多模式交通运输项目一期工程（实兑港）于2014年6月完工。
印度缅甸合作跨境运输综合开发项目进展顺利 17:01
文章来源：驻缅甸经商参处文章类型：编译
内容分类 ：新闻缅甸新光报12月19日报道，印缅合作的革拉当江跨境运输综合开发项目一期工程计划于2014年6月完成。包括实兑港建设及革拉当江疏浚工程等。二期及三期工程主要包括修筑边境公路。项目竣工后将贯通缅甸若开邦、钦邦与印度的边境陆路及水路运输线，促进印缅及地区贸易发展。综合开发项目由印度承建，竣工后交由缅方管理。该项目于2008年签订政府间协议，原计划2015年完成，投资总额为2.14亿美元。
印缅边境公路建设获得突出进展
中国桥梁网文本摘要：世界银行已决定向印度米佐拉姆邦公路建设提供1.07亿美元无息贷款，以促进印度东北部各邦之间以及与缅甸、孟加拉等国的交流。关 键 词：世行贷款 印缅边境 公路建设 　　　　印度公路资料图　　世界银行已决定向印度米佐拉姆邦公路建设提供1.07亿美元无息贷款，以促进印度东北部各邦之间以及与缅甸、孟加拉等国的交流。　　报道称，计划改扩建的道路包括一条印缅边境公路和一条通往缅甸和孟加拉的公路联络线等。米佐拉姆邦现有道路密度和路况均在印度国内最差行列。世行专家预计，公路建设将使印度东北部各邦充分发挥位于孟、缅两国之间的区位优势，成倍提升与邻国贸易额，并有效平抑当地昂贵的生活物资价格。　　近年来，印度公路建设有了突出的进展。据《缅甸新光报》英文版1月2日报道，缅印跨境交通联运项目建设方印度Essar公司表示，两国合作开发的Kaladan河交通联运项目一期工程将于今年6月竣工。该项目合作协议于2008年签署，一期工程包括建设缅甸若开邦实兑深水港、钦邦帕来瓦（百力瓦）码头及开挖158公里水道。随后还将分两期工程修建帕来瓦至印度米佐拉姆邦的跨境公路。预计2015年项目建成（已经推迟到2016年以后）后，货物可自加尔各答海运到实兑港，经Kaladan河水道及公路联运，最终抵达印度东北部各邦。据报道，该项目总投资约2.14亿美元，由印度方面承建，完成后将整体移交缅甸政府。
印度总理25年来首访缅甸发布者：安德烈娅 时间： 13:33:55 来源：解放牛网 新闻晚报 惠晓霜
新华社供本报特稿印度总理曼莫汉·辛格27日到访缅甸，这是印度总理25年来首次访问这个邻国。印度方面说，访问旨在加强贸易和投资，促进两国边境地区发展。印缅两国拥有1600千米的边界线，左右环绕孟加拉湾。印度对缅甸丰富的油气资源也颇为关注。印度媒体认为，一旦缅甸就开发新的天然气资源板块进行招标，那么中印两国在缅甸的“竞争”将继而浮出水面。印度公司希望在该领域有充分参与度。久违之旅辛格率领代表团27日抵达缅甸首都内比都，访问3天。他定于28日会晤缅甸总统吴登盛，29日在仰光会晤反对党全国民主联盟主席昂山素季。吴登盛去年10月访问印度。对缅甸而言，这是25年来首次迎来印度总理，时任印度总理拉吉夫·甘地1987年到访。一些印度工商界头面人物陪同辛格出访，包括印度电信公司董事长苏尼尔·巴蒂·米塔尔。启程前，辛格发表声明，说印度将继续 “与缅甸政府和人民发展紧密、合作和互利的伙伴关系”。印度外交秘书兰詹·马塔伊25日说，确保印缅关系更加紧密是印度“东向”政策的内容之一。这一政策旨在与日本、韩国以及越南、印度尼西亚等保持接触并深化关系。强化经贸辛格希望访问期间与缅甸方面签署多项谅解备忘录。法新社评述，印方需要能源，看中缅方丰富的石油和天然气资源，渴望加强贸易。一名不愿公开姓名的印方外交官披露，双方定于28日签署大约12项协议。美联社援引印度驻缅甸前大使拉吉夫·巴蒂亚的话报道，辛格出访期间，双方打算开通一条陆地长途客运线，连接印度东北部曼尼普尔邦首府因帕尔和缅甸第二大城市曼德勒。另外，印度将在缅甸设立一个信息技术培训机构、一个农业研究中心和一个稻米研究园。路透社报道，印度是缅甸第三大出口市场。缅甸政府数据显示，两国上一年度贸易额为14亿美元，增长近30％。缅方预计，贸易额两年内有望达到20亿美元。美国环球通视有限公司统计，缅甸去年的外来投资中，印度排名第13位，承诺金额为1.89亿美元。环球通视亚太地区首席经济师拉吉夫·比斯瓦斯说，缅甸“在战略层面对印度非常重要，在印度外交和经济政策中应具有重要地位”，辛格的访问“相当迟”。美联社报道，印度近年来向缅甸提供大约8亿美元信贷，用于基础设施建设，包括铁路、公路和航道。印度埃萨尔集团正在缅甸西北部城市实兑建造一座港口，由印方提供资金，2010年9月开工，计划两年建成（已经推迟到2014年6月）。港口投入使用后，将与印度东北部城市加尔各答建立航运线路，每年货物吞吐量预计最高为50万吨。从实兑出发，船只可以沿加拉丹河北上，抵达缅甸百力瓦镇。埃萨尔集团打算在百力瓦建造一个港口和一条高速公路，后者长大约122公里，连接印度东北部米佐拉姆中央直辖区。修补关系法新社分析，辛格缅甸之旅的另一个目的是再次确认印方与反对党领导人昂山素季的关系。昂山素季的母亲曾任缅甸驻印度大使。昂山素季在印度度过中学时代。缅甸政治斗争中，印度一度支持昂山素季，上世纪90年代中期转而与缅甸军政府加强关系。昂山素季2010年软禁期满获释后说，她对印方不给予支持感到“难过”。全国民主联盟发言人年温告诉法新社记者：“民盟欢迎印度现在与我们之间有更加公开的关系。 ”缅甸今年4月举行联邦议会和省邦议会补选，45个席位中，民盟赢得43席，昂山素季当选联邦议会下院议员。谈及与缅甸的关系，印度外交秘书马塔伊说：“作为邻国，你在政策和接触方面没有选择余地。无论局势如何，你需要 （与缅甸）打交道。 ”
加叻丹河实兑入海口加叻丹河加叻丹河加叻丹河加叻丹河
加叻丹河下游及入海口：
Mizo National Army- 1974米佐民族军日在中国某公园的合影
Mizo National Army- 1974米佐民族军日在中国某公园的合影
A historical and cultural perspective on what people of Mizoram think about IndiaPosted by Admin in Art and Culture On April 13, 2014By Kima“No actually the people of Mizoram do consider themselves to be Indians. It is the Indians who don’t consider us to be Indians.”Mizo women and men in traditional attire.Culturally, yes, we feel very different, but then again, India is a land of diversities, consisting of many different cultures and traditions.I’m a Mizo, a person from Mizoram, but I was brought up outside Mizoram since class 3 (1992 onwards) at various boarding schools and colleges across India, and I travel back to Mizoram once or twice a year for vacations to be with my friends and family. Apart from Hindi and Mizo, I speak a bit of Tamil, and also understand a bit of Malayalam, Bengali and Marathi. I have been exposed to different Indian cultures and cuisines, so the way I think of India may be a bit different from a Mizo who has never set foot outside Mizoram’ What do Mizos think of India?The first thing most Mizos experience when we leave our state and come to this side of the country for education or jobs are the racial abuses. This is a problem faced by most North Eastern Indians with mongoloid features. Being called “chinkis”, “ching chongs” and being jeered at on the streets in public (even after the SC prohibition) is still a common experience for us even today. So yes, somebody experiencing that for the first time will definitely have a bitter opinion about Indians in general.
But does that mean we Mizos are just victims and we aren’t racists ourselves?In Mizoram, we call mainland Indians (people having the Indian majority “Indo-Aryan” and “Dravidian” looks and physical features) as “Vai”. The word “Vai” originated from the Hindi word “Bhai” which means “brother” and it is used to describe a non-Mizo, an outsider.According to one legend, when Mizo warriors ventured from the mountains to the plains for the first time and met the plains-people who had completely different facial features, cultures and languages, through the use of sign languages and colloquial words, those people introduced themselves to the Mizos as “Bhai”, to indicate their friendliness. Another legend stated that it was the British who brought people from Mainland India to our land and introduced them to us as “Bhai” so as to bring in a feeling of goodwill between our two groups.Since we didn’t have a “bh” in our Mizo vocabulary, we ended up pronouncing it as “Vai” instead of bhai, and henceforth, people with such facial features, ie, ANI – Ancestral North Indians and ASI – Ancestral South Indians (refer: Wikipedia: Indian People) came to be known as Vai’s.So that’s what most Mizos think of India, that a majority of its population are made up of Vais. And calling somebody a “Vai” actually means calling that person a brother and it was never a derogatory slur.The word “Vai” took an ugly turn after India’s independence from the British. Mizos, unlike the Nagas and a few other North Eastern ethnic groups, decided to remain a part of India when the British said they were leaving. You should know that what is now Mizoram, a land once governed by various warring Mizo clan chiefs, and most of the other North Eastern states were never once a part of any Muslim dynasty or Hindu ruler that ruled over what is now India before the British took over the entire area.But soon after India’s Independence Day, Mizoram (which was known as the Lushai Hills district back then) experienced a terrible famine in 1958 due to the flowering of bamboos (known as mautam in Mizo, which means “Bamboo death”). The flowering of bamboos led to a boom in the rat population, that in turn ate up all the food stock of the people.Flowering of bamboos Hundreds of Mizos died every day, but all pleas sent to the Indian Government were ignored. Finally, Pu Laldenga formed the MNFF (Mizo National Famine Front) where every Mizo took it to task to help a fellow Mizo member, sending food, no matter how scarce, to those who needed it more. After many more casualties, the famine finally passed. That was when many Mizos said enough was enough, that there was no point in being a part of a country that didn’t care about its people, and the MNFF became the MNF (Mizo National Front), demanding a sovereign Mizo country.Mizo National Army- 1974 Capt.Thangrehlova, 1968 2nd Lt.Lalliana Sailo with Capt.Lalthlana Sailo Capt.Sailo with othersThe Indian army moved in, and life became difficult for those caught in between. Then came “Operation Jericho” in 1966, when the MNA (Mizo National Army), the armed wing of the MNF, overran various government institutions in one swift and well coordinated attack across different cities, beating back the Indian army and executing officers and other Mizos suspected of being informers to the Indian army. That was when Indira Gandhi, the then Prime Minister of India, ordered the Air Force bombing. On March 5th and 6th, 1966, Hunter and Toofani jet fighters deployed from Tezpur Indian Air Force base continuously bombed various cities, indiscriminately killing anyone and reducing many villages and towns to ashes. (TimesCrest: Gaddafi in Mizoram)Air Force pilots with a Hunter Jet FighterTill now, the Indian Government has denied bombing its own soil that resulted in the loss of many innocent lives, including many civilians who actually didn’t support the MNF’s aspiration of a sovereign nation. The MNF was pushed back to the forests and more Indian soldiers were deployed in the area. From the 764 villages governed by various clans and chiefs, the army demolished 516 and converted it into 110 PPV (Protected and Progressive Villages) described as “something like the concentration camps of Auschwitz, minus the gas chambers” by researchers. (Air attacks in Mizoram, 1966 – our dirty, little secret)There were many allegations of Mizo women being raped daily by the army officers, as most of the Mizo men were in the forests engaged in guerrilla warfare with the army. There was the dreaded “black diary” every Mizo women feared, where top army officers would write down the names of village damsels, and such women had to report to the officer’s quarter in the night to spend the night with him. That happened in rotation and it only provoked more youth to join the rebel cause.Finally, through many meetings with Indian Government representatives, conditions started becoming more and more peaceful from 1972 onwards. The Mizo Peace accord was finally signed between the MNF and Government of India in 1986, bringing in permanent peace and making Mizoram the most peaceful state in North East India till today.Signing of Mizo accord
Why did I just take you through a brief history of Mizoram?Because to many Mizos, especially those who had experienced the insurgency and atrocities committed by the Indian army first hand, even though there’s peace now, there is still that feeling of bitterness lingering in the air. To such people, all “Vais” are still the evil perpetrator. But this trend of generalizing all Vais into one bucket is not as common as I used to remember when I was a kid.However, if you’re a non-Mizo and you walk on the streets of Mizoram today, you may still encounter an unfortunate incident of a few miscreants (usually inebriated ones) menacingly passing comments at you like, “Vai chhia” (disgusting outsider) etc at you. This of course happens extremely rarely today, and I know so many non-Mizo tourists who had visited Mizoram and not experienced anything like this. But I’m just giving you a heads-up in case you do visit Mizoram in the future, it’s a beautiful place there. A large majority of us aren’t like that today.One reason why such animosity still exists even today is because of our insecurity. Mizos are threatened by Vais, the outsiders, especially since many of us were brought up with stories of what the army did to our women. And sometimes, even today, in order to discipline a spoilt child, a mother may say stuff like “Behave yourself, don’t make such loud noises, or else a Vai will come and kidnap you.” This works in favour of the mother, because the child is now quiet, scared of the so called Vai. However, this also psychologically affects him/her as that person grows up, making it hard for him or her to trust a non-Mizo. I really feel such disciplinary tactics should be stopped.Another reason for our insecurity is because of the difference in advancement between our Mizo society and the broader Indian society (in general). For us Mizos, it’s been just around 100 years since the Welsh missionaries came to our land and converted all of us to Christianity. We were animists before that, worshipping the sun, forests, animals and spirits. Along with Christianity, they educated us, teaching us how to read and write, and giving us our own written script.Welsh MissionariesCompare that to the rich cultural heritage of various Hindu and Muslim empires that ruled over the rest of India before the British came. We know we’re no match when it comes to business or manufacturing or even agriculture, but we gave it our best shot and today we’re the second highest literate state in India. But we still have miles to go if we want to compete with other Indians, so there is always that tinge of insecurity within us because of our “late start”.Other than that, the situation today has vastly improved. Hindi shows like “Kasauti” were a huge rave in Mizoram a few years ago. Hindi movies are also quite popular for a population whose mother tongue is not Hindi, and photos of various Bollywood actors can be found in many shops and houses. Songs like “Papa kehte hain” and “Pehla nasha” are iconic, and when a group of Mizos sit together with a guitar (we love to sing), those two songs are usually sung. Long before the arrival of the Star TV network, we tried our best not to miss shows like “Chitrahaar”, just like the rest of India.Sometimes, Mizos coming to this side of the Country for the first time find it funny how most Indians immediately get up from their seats once the plane lands, even though nobody can get out of the plane yet. In our Mizo society, you will not find us fighting with each other to get in line etc. Even when it comes to basics, like waiting for LPG gas, people politely form a queue. Here is one such picture I took recently:Queue for LPG cylinderIn fact, whenever we fly home to Mizoram (or from Mizoram), we call that moment the plane comes to a halt after landing as “Vai thawh hun”, when all non-Mizos immediately spring out from their seats grabbing their bags and knocking over each other in spite of the flight attendant pleading them to remain seated. Every Mizo sitting in the plane just grins at the circus show.Not to sound racist, but many Mizos are also skeptical of other Indians, finding it hard to trust strangers. This probably stems from the fact that in Mizoram, everybody trusts each other. We actually have unmanned shops in Mizoram. There are many vendor-less road-side stalls, where vegetables, fruits and other goods are displayed for sale, with their prices written next to them. All you have to do is pick up what you want, put the money in a box and leave. You can even take change back from the box yourself. And the owner comes to the stall at the end of the day to collect the money and he never sees a loss.Unmanned vegetable shop in Aizwal.I’m not saying other Indians are less untrustworthy than Mizos just because you won’t find such vendor-less shops this side of the country. The reason why we trust ourselves so blindly is because we’re a homogenous group with a very small population of just 1 million (second least populated state in India). I’m sure as we grow and become less close-knitted and more apart from each other, more and more antisocial elements will creep into our society as well. But as of now, yeah, when I am in the midst of other Indians, like travelling alone on a train with strangers, I will take my bag with me when I go to the loo (just like how you would do it too). Likewise, when I leave my apartment here in Mumbai, I always lock it up (which again I’m sure you do too), whereas in Mizoram, many of us don’t, and some of us even sleep with our doors unlocked. Below is a photo of an entire locality feasting together, displaying our bonhomie.Community feast :)When it comes to food, most Mizos travelling outside Mizoram for the first time find it very difficult to adjust to the Indian cuisine here. In Mizoram, we eat three times a day – Breakfast consists of rice, dal, boiled vegetables and meat, so yes, it is quite heavy compared to the breakfast we eat in the rest of India like dosas, puri bhajis, sandwiches, pohas, cereals etc. “Lunch” in Mizoram consists of just a tea break with light snacks like one plate/piece of momos, chow, paratha, alu chop etc. Dinner on the other hand, tends to be heavy again, which consists of the usual rice and other accompanying dishes. It takes time for a Mizo to get used to such a different routine.Even when it comes to the type of food served, rice is a staple diet in Mizoram, and many Mizos are not used to breads like roti, chapattis, naans etc. I know many Mizos who cannot consider a meal to be a meal if there is no rice! True fact. And we love our meat. Pork, beef and chicken are some of our favourite meats, and they are usually boiled with veggies together. We also love spicy food, but by spice, I’m talking about “chilly” spice. Most spicy Indian dishes are spicy because of the masalas. We Mizos on the other hand, use very little masalas in our dishes, and many Mizos cannot stand the smell of oily masala-rich curry being prepared.
Mizo LunchBut it is something one can get used to and I know many Mizos, especially students, who ended up loving the food served in this part of the country. I for one, love the diversity of cuisines and am a foodie myself, actively taking part in many “food lovers club” initiatives in Mumbai.When it comes to Loyalty for India, yes, the patriotic sentiment of the Mizos is strong today, in spite of some people still holding grudges as mentioned earlier. There are many Mizos serving in the Indian armed forces. Two of my cousins are officers in the Air Force, another in the Army, and here in Mumbai I have many close Mizo friends currently serving in the Indian Navy. But what saddens me sometimes is the fact that many Indians are not aware of the number of people from the North East serving in the armed forces.For example, during the recent Chinese incursion in Arunachal Pradesh, a cell phone video recorded by a Mizo soldier whose contingent was posted there, was obtained by TOI. In the video, you could see Mizo Indian soldiers grabbing the Chinese soldiers and telling his Mizo mates not to let any of them through. There were a lot of scuffles and wrestles and Mizos shouting out instructions. But the TOI comments (Timeline Photos – The Times of India | Facebook) were full of racial hate, abusing even the Mizo Indian soldier, saying stuff like, “shoot all these chinky dogs”, “shut up you ching chang chong”, etc. Later on, TOI did delete some of the comments after we complained, but that really hurt many of us, especially friends and family of those Mizo soldiers posted at our borders who were ready to die protecting all of us.About the writer:Kima is from Mizoram, brought up in Tamil Nadu, and has been blogging since 2004. He goes by the name ‘Mizohican’ in the online world, and most of his posts are about the Northeast and his experiences across India.
米佐人问题初探 李金轲’马得汶２００９年第４期
南亚研究季刊 Ｓｏｕｔｈ Ａｓｉａｎ Ｓｔｕｄｉｅｓ Ｑｕａｒｔｅｒｌｙ 总第１３９期 〔内容提要〕米佐人是中国周边民族。１９４７年印巴分治时，米佐人聚居的卢谢山区（Ｌｕｓｅｉ／Ｌｕｓｈａｉ Ｈｉｌｌｓ）并入了印度自治领。由于印度政府治理不当，米佐山区１９６６年爆发了武装分离主义运动。１９８６年 印度中央政府与“米佐民族阵线’’签署了和平协定。此后该邦局势平静，民族分离主义问题得到有效解决。 〔关键词〕米佐人；米佐拉姆；分离主义 〔中图分类号〕Ｄ７３５。１６２〔文献标志码〕Ａ〔文章编号〕１００４－－１５０８（２００９）０４一００３２—０６ 米佐人是中国周边民族之一，在印度境内主 要居住在米佐拉姆邦，此外在曼尼普尔邦、特里 普拉邦、阿萨姆邦和中印领土争议东段地区也有 少量分布。米佐人居住在平均海拔９００米的山区 丘陵地带，外人便由此将其称为“Ｍｉｚｏ”人， “Ｍｉ”的意思是“人”，“Ｚｏ”是“山脉和寒冷”， 因此“米佐人”就是“居住在高寒环境中的顽强 的人”。①１８９１至１８９５年之间，米佐人居住的卢 谢山区逐渐并入了英印殖民体系。１９４７年印巴 分治时卢谢山区并人了印度自治领。１９５４年， 卢谢山区（ｔｈｅ Ｌｕｓｈａｉ Ｈｉｌｌｓ Ｄｉｓｔｒｉｃｔ ｏｆ Ａｓｓａｍ） 更名为米佐山区（ｔｈｅ Ｍｉｚｏ Ｈｉｌｌｓ Ｄｉｓｔｒｉｃｔ ｏｆ Ａｓ— ｓａｍ）。１９６６年，在“米佐民族阵线”（ｔｈｅ Ｍｉｚｏ Ｎａｔｉｏｎａｌ Ｆｒｏｎｔ）的领导下，米佐山区爆发了民 族分离主义运动。１９８６年６月２０日印度政府和 “米佐民族阵线”之间达成了关于米佐问题的最 终协议——《米佐拉姆协议，１９８６））。根据协议， １９８７年２月２０日米佐拉姆邦正式成立。此后， 该邦局势平静，民族问题得到了有效解决。本文 对米佐人的民族分离主义运动进行了探析。
一、米佐分离主义运动的演变 １．“米佐民族阵线”的诞生 １９５９年的饥荒是米佐民族分离主义运动的导 火线，直接催生了米佐分离主义组织“米佐民族 阵线”。米佐山区的竹林每隔４８年就会开花，短 期内为老鼠提供了丰富的食物来源，导致老鼠数 量暴增。老鼠吃光了竹籽后，就会向农田进军， 啃食农作物。这种竹子开花、老鼠称霸、饥民遍 野、庄家糟蹋的灾害被当地人称为“毛塔姆” （Ｍａｕｔａｍ）。１９５９年，米佐山区爆发了由于竹子开 花引起的饥荒。饥荒爆发后，阿萨姆邦的救灾援 助因为缺乏准备，加之当地复杂的山区丘陵地形、 落后的基础设施建设和低下的运输能力，故而迟 缓低效、力度不够，米佐部落民或背井离乡，或 以草充饥，许多人活活饿死。在饥荒中成立的民 间赈灾组织“米佐民族饥荒阵线”（ｔｈｅ Ｍｉｚｏ Ｎａｔｉｏｎａｌ Ｆａｍｉｎｅ Ｆｒｏnt）由于全力以赴帮助受灾群众， “受到了异乎寻常的欢迎和拥戴”，②“米佐村民甚 至将他们视为米佐人的领导人”。③救灾工作结束 后，“米佐民族饥荒阵线”从—个非政府组织转变 为一个拥有广泛群众基础的政党组织——“米佐 民族阵线”，拉尔登加（Ｌａｌｄｅｎｇａ）任该党主席。 “米佐民族阵线”从成立初始就丝毫不掩饰自己的 分离主义斗争目标：“实现大米佐拉姆的独立；使 所有米佐人生活在同一个家园；促进米佐人的社 会、经济和政治发展；保障和促进基督教的发展； 采取长期战略通过暴力方式实现上述目标；获得 一些国家可靠的支援。”① 为了获得米佐百姓对分离主义活动的支持， “米佐民族阵线”从三个方面广泛宣传米佐独立 斗争的重大意义：（１）从历史、文化和语言角 度，进行民族主义宣传；（２）从自由、人权和民 主角度，进行独立思想宣传；（３）从宗教角度， 进行“基督教”与“印度教”的异质性宣传。 “米佐民族阵线”编辑发行了由拉尔登加任主编 的日报《米佐人的声音》（Ｍｉｚｏ－Ａｗ），作为宣传 民族独立思想的主阵地。“米佐民族阵线”在民 众中广泛宣传“在英国人到来之前米佐人一直是 独立的’’，他们“是上帝和大自然孕育的一个独 特民族”。②“米佐民族阵线”声称米佐人既不是 印度人（印度教徒），也不是缅甸人（佛教徒）， 更不是巴基斯坦（穆斯林），“米佐人有自己的土 地、语言、文化和宗教。他们生活的土地总面积 为２５０００至３００００平方英里，这片土地在印度、 缅甸和巴基斯坦之间，并且被英国政府非法分割 在这三个不同国家之内”。④成立伊始，“米佐民 族阵线”就利用一切可以利用的因素和时机为武 装暴动创造舆论和条件。
２．武装起义的爆发 １９６６年２月２８日晚，“米佐民族阵线”发 起了武装暴动。 “米佐民族阵线”的武装分支 “米佐民族军”（Ｍｉｚｏ Ｎａｔｉｏｎａｌ Ａｒｍｙ）从米佐拉 姆的各个方向向当地政府发起了“总攻”。总攻 的主要目标是米佐山区行政中心艾藻尔的安全部 队以及政府金库。“米佐民族阵线”的计划是以 突然袭击的方式推翻艾藻尔政府，在印度政府还 来不及派遣军队的情况下就结束战斗，并立即宣 布独立的“米佐拉姆共和国”成立，他们估计将 有一些国家会立即宣布承认“米佐拉姆共和国”， 这将迫使印度政府撤回它的军队。“总攻”１９６６ 年２月２８日开始，３月１日结束，大约有８００ 至１３００名“米佐民族阵线”成员参加了战斗。 “米佐民族军”的成员袭击了艾藻尔的金库、绑 架政府官员、枪杀警察，并破坏公共设施、阻断 交通、放火焚烧公共建筑。１９６６年３月１日， “米佐民族阵线”宣布“米佐拉姆共和国”成立， 拉尔登加出任政府总统。 印度政府迅速采取措施对暴动进行了武力镇 压。“总统”拉尔登加很快被印度军方抓获。在 狱中，拉尔登加表示愿意和印度政府进行和谈， 阿萨姆邦首席部长查理哈（Ｃｈａｌｉｈａ）将拉尔登 加释放，以便他能够说服“米佐民族阵线”的其 它领导人和政府进行和谈。然而，拉尔登加很快就 改变了主意；从１９６６年９月开始，“米佐民族阵 线”恢复了武装反政府活动。该组织成员用步 枪、手榴弹和自动武器不断偷袭当地警察局和安 全部队。米佐起义军享受着前往东巴进行休整和 跨界庇护的便利，并得到来自巴基斯坦的援助。３．和平协定的签署 １９７１年第三次印巴战争和孟加拉国的建立， 使“米佐民族阵线”元气大伤，武装分离主义运 动由此转入低潮。可以说，孟加拉国的建立是米 佐民族分离主义运动的分水岭。东巴一直是“米 佐民族阵线”的理想庇护地，一旦失去了这一屏 障，“米佐民族阵线”的士气便大为低落，大量 成员不得不从原来的隐蔽基地撤出到政府的视线 之下，其中相当多的人接受了政府的安置金，从 事正常的生产生活。拉尔登加也和他的家人离开 达卡前往缅甸，接着又从那里前往巴基斯坦首都 伊斯兰堡。斗争环境的急剧恶化使得拉尔登加对 民族独立问题的认识越来越现实，在经过痛苦的 思索之后，他和他的追随者最终同意回到印度联 邦的框架下解决问题。但是拉尔登加是一名精明 的政治家，为了使投诚能够从印度政府那里换取 最大的筹码，他在与政府的谈判中表现出了一个 优秀外交家在讨价还价方面的精明与耐心。 拉尔登加一方面派出忠实于他的武装分子不 断制造事端，比如敲诈勒索、偷袭警察局、恐吓 政府官员，以便为谈判增加筹码；一方面要求与 印度政府就米佐问题进行和谈。印度政府抱着和解的 善意，派出军用直升机将“米佐民族阵线”代表 团运送到了艾藻尔，在谈判不能达成任何协议的情况下，政府又将代表团成员送回。１９７６年１ 月，拉尔登加前往新德里，代表“米佐民族阵 线”和印度政府之间达成了谅解备忘录。１９７６ 年７月，双方继续会谈并且达成协议。根据这项 协议，“米佐民族阵线”首先应放弃武装暴力活 动，然后继续谈判以找到双方都满意的解决方 法。对于渴求和平与安宁的米佐人来说，这是一 个受到普遍欢迎的好消息。米佐拉姆当地政府为 了庆祝这件事，宣布１９７６年７月７日做为全邦 的“感恩节”。教堂的钟声此起彼伏，人们以做 礼拜的方式表达心中的喜悦。但是拉尔登加与政 府达成的“先放下武器再继续谈判”的协议在 “米佐民族阵线”内部引起了争议，部分“米佐 民族阵线”地下武装分子要求修改协议内容，这 使得该组织的领导人拉尔登加也陷入了一种尴尬 的境地。为了维护自己在“米佐民族阵线”中的 领导地位，他表示目前与政府达成的只是相互谅 解而并非正式协议，一些基本问题仍有待与印度 政府进一步磋商。 １９７７年印度大选中人民党获胜，德赛出任 新一届印度政府总理。新政府要求拉尔登加明确 提出达成协议所需的各项要求，否则便将其驱逐 出境。拉尔登加不愿意被驱逐出印度，便写信给 印度内政部长保证他可以解决米佐问题，同时也 提出了授予米佐中央直辖区“邦”地位等条件， 并要求在邦政府举行大选之前，任命他为米佐拉 姆邦过渡政府首席部长。德赛政府拒绝了他的要 求。１９８０年人民党在大选中失利，国大党上台 执政，英迪拉.甘地重新出任印度总理。英. 甘 地的特使与“米佐民族阵线”的谈判因拉尔登加 提出了一些印度政府难以接受的要求无果而终。 １９８２年，印度内政部长指责拉尔登加在用和谈 做外衣，试图颠覆米佐拉姆中央直辖区的合法政 府，认为他的态度瞬息万变，根本就不愿意坐下 来解决问题。拉尔登加被要求立即离开印度。自 此，拉尔登加开始在伦敦过流亡生活。 １９８５年，新政府的上台又将和谈提上了历 史日程。１９８４年ｌｏ月３１日，印度总理英.甘 地被她的锡克教警卫枪杀，其子拉吉夫.甘地继 任印度总理。拉吉夫政府邀请拉尔登加重开谈 判。
１９８６年６月２０日，印度政府和“米佐民族 阵线”之间达成了关于米佐问题的最终协议—— 《米佐拉姆协议，１９８６》。①１９８６年７月，米佐拉 姆被授予邦地位，“米佐民族阵线”在大选中获 胜，组建了米佐拉姆邦第一届邦政府，拉尔登加 出任邦政府首席部长。此后，该邦局势平静，民 族问题得到了有效解决。 二、米佐分离主义运动产生与发展的原因 １．殖民统治因素 虽然米佐山区是英印殖民体系的一部分，但 是由于殖民地时期英印当局对包括米佐山区在内 的印度东北部地区实行“边境地区特许通行”制 度，规定印度其它地区的人要进入东北部，必须 首先向殖民当局申请取得“特许通行证”，这样 无疑进一步将整个印度东北地区和印度主体大陆 隔绝了开来。因此，在文化、语言、宗教等方面 与印度主体大陆存在着明显差异的米佐部落民， 对于印度并没有归属感。有学者认为，“虽然今 天印度东北部的恐怖活动与英国政府没有联系， 但是英国人是当年在印度东北部播下分离种子的 唯一的人。”②尼赫鲁也认为印度东北部的部落 没有受到印度独立斗争或其它运动的影响。他们 对于外来者的经历主要来自于英国的官员和基督 教传教士，这些人都尽力使部落民反印度。③ ２．印度政府治理失误因素 印度政府应对１９５９年饥荒的失当，严重损 害了政府的威信，为分离主义提供了成长的养分 和活动的土壤。在饥荒爆发的前一年，米佐山区 委员会就向阿萨姆邦邦政府提出了防灾要求，但 是邦政府将米佐人这种基于古老经验的预测视为 原始人的传说，不予理睬。等饥荒爆发后，印度 政府救灾迟误，等到政府的援助到来时，一些人 已被饿死，有些人已经迁徙，许多部落民已经通 过自谋生路度过了最需要援助的时期。在当地人看来，印度官员对待他们甚至还不如英国殖民 者，一位当地官员称“在殖民时期，英国人也是 竭尽全力帮助我们应对饥荒的”。① ３．经济因素 地区经济发展落后。农业是米佐经济的支 柱，一种被称为“稼胡米”（ｊｈｏｏｍｉｎｇ）的流动 耕作方式是农业生产的基本形式。在印巴分治 时，正是出于经济原因的考虑，米佐人才决定并 入印度自治领。米佐“普通民众看到了并入印度 的好处和对未来生活的希望，并且逐渐使自己的 意愿明显占据了上风。”②然而，在独立后的很 长一段时期里，印度经济增长缓慢。③因此，米 佐人并人印度时所抱有的发展经济、改善生活的 期望不但迟迟未能实现，反而由于１９５９年的饥 荒转变为对印度政府的彻底失望。“米佐人通过 并入印度在经济上得到支援的希望在某种程度上 落空了”。④ ４．地理因素中国人讲“天时、地利、人和”。对于米佐 民族分离主义组织来讲，可谓是占尽“地利”。 米佐山区像一个倒立的三角嵌在孟加拉国和缅甸 之间，国界线漫长。特殊的地理位置给米佐民族 分离主义组织提供了良好的生存条件。一是分离 主义活动回旋余地很大。分离主义分子经常流窜 到邻国进行休整和训练，常常是“打了就跑，跑 了再来”。孟加拉国的吉大港山区（ｔｈｅ Ｃｈｉｔ－ ｔａｇｏｎｇ Ｈｉｌｌ Ｔｒａｃｔｓ）一直是“米佐民族阵线”的 理想庇护地，地下武装分子就是从位于这里的基 地出发不断向印度安全力量发动袭击。二是这种“多孔的”边界为叛乱组织获取武器提供了极大 便利。英国学者的一项研究报告认为小型和轻型、 武器的容易获得使这一地区的社会冲突极易演变 为武装冲突，也缩短了从建立一个分离主义组织 到其羽翼渐丰、形成一定影响力的时间。⑤三是 米佐山区的地形多为丛林山谷地带，交通不便， 公路和铁路运输能力低下，浓密的山林成为反叛 分子的天然藏身地和避难所。米佐山区的森林覆 盖率为７５．３９％，⑥叛军与政府军之间的战斗大 多为丛林地带的伏击与歼灭战，这使得政府军作 战效率低下，客观上助长了反叛分子的气焰。
５．文化因素 从人类社会“政治化”和“现代化”进程的 角度而言，米佐部落民是自我封闭且远远滞后 的。在这种状态下，对于部落民而言，“独立” 的核心就是按照自己的意愿和方式来安排自己的 生活，“主权”就是不被外界干扰、按照传统的 方式生活下去，无论这些习俗在别人看来是多么 的粗野、落后和不文明。⑦因此，保护本民族文 化既是米佐民族分离主义组织发动群众的口号， 又是其斗争目标之一。“米佐民族阵线”同印度 政府签署的和平协定——《米佐拉姆协议， １９８６》中的“行政法规和其它措施”条款第三条 第二项规定：“无论联邦宪法做出何种规定，国 会通过的涉及下列内容的法案对于米佐拉姆邦没 有效力，除非米佐拉姆邦的邦立法委员会通过决 议接受这些法案。（ａ）米佐拉姆邦的宗教信仰或 社会习俗；（ｂ）米佐拉姆邦的习惯法及相关程 序；（ｃ）涉及米佐拉姆邦习惯法裁决的民事和刑 事判决。……”⑧从上述条款中可以看出，保护 本民族文化传统是米佐拉姆人极为关注的一个方 面。米佐人担心自己的文化传统被印度这一广阔 海洋所吞没，分离主义倾向加重。 ６.宗教因素 对米佐人来说，宗教是他们精神生活的核心内容。米佐人在英国人入侵之前并非印度本土宗 教（如印度教、佛教、锡克教、耆那教）的信仰 者，而是信奉原始宗教（如图腾、超自然力、萨 满、巫术），与印度教徒存在宗教上的疏远感。 在殖民统治时期，英国人的传教活动在米佐人中 收效明显，许多米佐人信奉了基督教，基督教教 徒占到米佐总人口的８０％以上。米佐人“认为 自己属于西方文明体系，尤其是基督教文明”。① “米佐民族阵线”积极从宗教角度阐述民族独立 的重要性，争取他们对分离主义活动的支持。 “米佐民族阵线’将宗教因素引入民族分离主义 运动，它指出印度是印度教教徒的家园，信仰基 督教的米佐人在印度人的统治下遭受着迫害，”② 将保护基督教教徒的权益作为斗争目标之一。 三、印度政府的治理措施 １．军事方面，内外并举，在对内军事平叛 的同时积极发动第三次印巴战争 对于米佐人的叛乱，印度政府采取了迅速果 断的军事镇压。１９６６年３月３日，印度内政部 长南德（Ｇｕｌｚａｒｉ ｌａｌ Ｎａｎｄａ）在向国会所做的关 于米佐山区的严重态势以及向该地区派出军队之 必要性的报告中说：“我们已经就２月２８日至３ 月１日期间在米佐山区发生的严重事件和阿萨姆 邦邦政府保持着联系。阿萨姆邦邦政府已经查清 了事件的原委。……由于出现了这些严重事件， 阿萨姆邦邦政府要求派出军队来对付米佐山区的 暴乱。今天早上，直升飞机已经开始将士兵运往 艾藻尔地区，还有一部分军人将以陆路形式前往 那里，预计他们可以在今天下午到达艾藻尔。 ……我们有充分证据证明，这一系列暴力活动是 那些谋求独立的‘米佐民族阵线’的极端分子策 划并煽动的暴乱活动的一部分。政府已下决心以 最强有力的方式在最短的时间内制止骚乱，恢复 这些地区的秩序与和平，军队称他们有信心在短 期内实现这一目标。”③印度军队在米佐山区的 平叛行动的确收到了立竿见影的效果，拉尔登加 的“流亡政府”仅在米佐山区短促的“昙花一 现”，就被迫转移到东巴活动。“米佐民族阵线” 一度幻想的通过“闪电般建国”和依靠外部干预 “迫使印度政府撤回它的军队”的计划瞬间破灭， 米佐山区的局势很快被政府军控制。 拉尔登加的追随者在东巴得到休整后，不时 穿越边界与印度政府军玩起“猫捉老鼠”的游 戏，偷袭、伏击和恐怖主义活动代替了武装暴 动，成为威胁米佐山区长治久安的关键因素。政 府军的先进武器由于找不到显眼的作战目标而处 于低效状态，这种局面使印度政府清醒的认识 到，要解决包括山区在内的东北部动乱问题，必 须在军事上采取更为积极主动和大胆的行动。 １９７０年，东巴与西巴之间因选举爆发了内乱， 印度政府一举抓住时机，发动了肢解巴基斯坦的 第三次印巴战争。印度借口巴基斯坦涌入印度的 难民数量给印度东北部人民带来了灾难，为发动 战争制造舆论，但印度政府的真实目的绝非在于 难民问题，而是有着更为明确的目标．，印度前外 交部长贾斯万特. 辛格就曾坦言，“难民问题当 然重要，但也许不是决定的。如果只有难民问题 的话，新德里是否会诉诸武力、直接干涉，这确 实令人难以断定。对新德里来说，更为重要的 是，发生在东巴的冲突会不会潜在地影响到问题 已严重的西孟加拉的稳定，而会不会影响到印度 东北部各邦的稳定。”显然，东巴的消失对印度 的边疆稳定意义重大。第三次印巴战争使印度得 到了回报，印度设想的通过采取积极措施使达卡 出现一个政治温和的政府，使其能够在印度东北 部地区的政治中起中立作用的目标实现了。１９７１ 年孟加拉国的建立，断绝了“米佐民族阵线”的 后方迂回空间，成为迫使拉尔登加放弃武装斗争 的根本原因。
２．经济方面，双管齐下，一方面对武装分 子进行“饥饿打击”，一方面利用经济手段稳定 米佐人心 “村落强制聚居”（Ｔｈｅ Ｇｒｏｕｐｉｎｇ ｏｆ ｖｉｌｌａ— ｇｅｓ）是印度政府打击叛军的最主要经济措施。 为了对“米佐民族阵线”的武装分子进行“饥饿 打击”，防止村民向他们提供食品物资，印度政 府于１９６７—１９７０年期间先后在米佐山区进行了 四个轮次的“强制聚居”，合计强制拆迁村落 ４６６个，在军队监管地点聚居人口２３６１６２人 （占到米佐地区人口总数的８２％）。①印度军队通 常在天亮之前包围了指定的村落，贴出紧急通 告，命令村民带上自己的家具和物品，告诉他们 政府将把他们运送到新的居住地。这些村民被安 置在靠近高速公路的定居点，这样他们就不可能 再给予反叛分子提供支持，政府向他们发放身份 证，并且在路口设置岗哨限制他们的活动，那些 被遗弃的旧村落则被焚烧。“饥饿打击”在平叛 行动中收效明显，却极大伤害了米佐人的感情， 一位米佐诗人写道“可怜真可怜，村民要聚居， 米佐拉姆各地，生活失去往日的美丽，妇女、儿 童和男人们从各个山区汇集，这无家可归的感觉 就像鸟儿折断了翼”。② １９７１年随着东巴的消亡，一个对印态度友 好的新邻居孟加拉国的诞生，使印度政府觉得她 已经能够控制局面，便开始采取一些措施安抚民 众。政府同意在米佐地区恢复建立那些在强制聚 居中遭到破坏的村落，同时更加注重采取经济措 施解决问题。“印度中央政府对米佐地区的援助 资金从１９７２年之后急剧增加。在第５个五年计 划（１９７４—１９７９）的援助资金为４．６６亿卢比， 第６个五年计划（１９８０—１９８５）的援助资金为 １３亿卢比。１９７１—１９７９年，用于刺激、保障就 业和基础设施建设的资金约为０．３７亿卢比”。③ ３．政治方面，刚柔相济，对“米佐民族阵 线”时刻敞开和谈大门，但在关键问题上绝不做 出让步 从米佐民族分离主义运动爆发伊始，印度政 府就积极寻求通过和谈解决问题，并将此作为解 决问题的一项基本原则贯穿始终。１９６６年暴动 发生后不久，拉尔登加就被印度军方抓获，时任阿 萨姆邦邦长的查理哈鉴于拉尔登加有和谈意愿， 将其保释。虽然查理哈“纵虎归山”的做法后来 受到了广泛谴责，但是历届政府解决米佐分离主 义问题的和谈大门从未关闭过。１９７４年，政府 抱着和解的善意，派出军用直升飞机将“米佐民 族阵线”代表团从丛林中运送到艾藻尔。“米佐 民族阵线”派出的马尔萨玛（Ｍａｌｓａｗｍａ）代表 团在艾藻尔进行了长达一个月的和谈，在谈判没 有达成任何协议的情况下，政府又一次“放虎归 山”，“米佐民族阵线”代表团成员返回了位于缅 甸阿若坎山区（Ａｒａｋａｎ）的密林中。④ 虽然印度政府在和谈方面表现出了宽广的胸 怀和极大的诚意，但是在涉及诸如国家主权与领 土完整等核心问题时绝不让步，体现出了刚柔相 济的特点。如１９８０年英. 甘地再次执政后，派 出特使和拉尔登加进行了谈判，拉尔登加提出了 ２３个条件，其中就包括一些此类要求，如未来 成立的米佐拉姆邦的领土不仅包括现有领土，还 应包括印度某些其它邦的部分领土，甚至应包括 盂加拉国和缅甸的部分领土；米佐拉姆邦不升印 度国旗，应该拥有自己独立的旗帜；在米佐拉姆 成立军政府，由米佐民族阵线领导人拉尔登加出 任政府首脑，印度政府可以派出一个常驻顾问 团；米佐拉姆邦应成为联合国的成员等。印度政 府同意授予米佐拉姆中央直辖区的地位和在当地 建立一所大学，但拒绝了其它的要求。⑤ 印度政府的政治疏导对于米佐民族分离主义 问题的解决意义重大，政府的善意与耐心使得米佐民族问题呈现出一经解决不再反复的特点。由 于米佐拉姆邦此后的长期平静状态在印度东北部 的动荡局势中显得格外与众不同，米佐问题的应 对被誉为印度政府解决民族问题的一个典范。
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