龚德权，好样的！
　　一位好警察遇上一位好市民
龚德权激动地讲述当时的场景。
有关单位负责人看望好心助人的龚师傅。
龚德权获得的荣誉证书有好几本。
　　《逃犯拒捕持刀行凶 民警浴血勇擒歹徒》追踪报道
　　10月26日傍晚，区公安分局刑侦大队情报中队副中队长周益斌在一起抓捕行动中，与一名逃犯英勇搏斗，结果身上多处被刀刺伤，但他临危不惧，在同事的帮助下将逃犯铐上手铐。
　　将逃犯制服后，周益斌坚持让同事们先将逃犯安全押回，独自一人浑身是血地走到路口拦车去医院。这时，一位骑电动车带着小孩的中年男子伸出了援手，将周益斌送到区一医院救治。到了医院，周益斌坚持让他留个联系方式，但对方却说了一句“救命要紧”，目送他进入急诊室后就转身离开了。
　　本报10月28日《现场》版对此已作了报道。
　　昨日，本报记者专程来到救民警不留名的环卫工人龚德权家中，对他进行了独家专访。
　　救助受伤民警的龚德权
　　昨向记者讲述事发经过
　　向周益斌伸出援手的中年男子叫龚德权，今年48岁，湖北人，是新塘环卫所的环卫工人，平时负责开垃圾清运车定点搜集垃圾。这两天，区政法委副书记许建达，区公安分局及区城管执法局、环卫所的相关领导，都到龚师傅位于蜀山街道安桥社区的家中看望他。面对鲜花和掌声，这位新萧山人显得很淡定，他说：“这么做没什么，一个满身鲜血的人站在我面前，帮他一把是应该的。”
　　2003年10月，龚德权来到萧山打工，进入新塘环卫所做一名环卫工人。他到了萧山后，对这里各方面都很满意，随后把老婆也接到了萧山，夫妻两人都成了环卫工人。由于他们肯吃苦，工作认真负责，如今都成了小组长，龚师傅的工资也有所增加。
　　龚师傅有一儿一女，大女儿今年27岁，在南环路上一家广告公司工作，女婿常年在外打工；儿子在颐高数码城打工，媳妇是萧山本地人。龚师傅的工作单位在新塘，但租住在蜀山街道，他每天凌晨3点起床，4点上班。外孙上学后，他又多了一项工作――接外孙放学。
　　10月26日傍晚，龚师傅去学校接外孙回家，路过曹家桥菜场时，他看见有人扭打在一起，就停了下来。“我以为是在打架，过了一会从人群里走出来一个满身是血的男人。”龚师傅告诉记者，其实他很害怕，一是因为不知道这个受伤的男人究竟是什么身份，二是他在老家时，曾看到过一群人打架，其中一人被刺伤后，才走了200多米就晕倒了，后来因为失血过多死了。
　　当时，龚师傅没有马上走开，而是一直注视着那个受伤的男人。随后，几个人把一个人按倒在地，并拿出了手铐将其制服，这时龚师傅猜测可能是警察在抓歹徒。
　　“其实我当时心里非常紧张，因为不敢确定受伤的人是不是警察。后来转念一想，他流了这么多血，如果不及时去医院抢救，很容易出意外，所以我得帮助他。”想到救人要紧，于是龚师傅把电动车开到受伤男人旁边，表示可以帮忙送他去医院。龚师傅还透露，当时伤者说随便找个小医院包扎一下就行了，但自己没答应，流这么多血肯定得到大医院去治疗。
　　龚师傅让电动车上的外孙坐近他抱牢，将伤者载上。赶往医院的途中，伤者一直在流血，龚师傅怕他晕过去，便不断找话题与其聊天。其间受伤男子接到同事的电话，龚师傅才确定受伤男子真的是警察。一路上，他留意过往车辆，希望找辆车将这位警察快点送到医院，但没有成功，于是径直将其送到了区一医院。
　　龚师傅说，他的外孙小时候因为啤酒瓶爆炸，手掌被划破，流了很多血。那次之后，外孙见血就晕，但这次这位警察的血将外孙的衣服都染红了，孩子虽然吓得不轻，但一直坚持到医院。“我看他还能走，就跟医生说受伤的是警察，要赶紧救人，随后就回家去了。”回到家，龚师傅把染满血的坐垫和外孙的衣服洗了，对于救人一事，他根本没想到要什么回报。
　　第二天，萧山警方就找到龚师傅家来道谢，他这才知道受伤的民警叫周益斌。10月28日下午，龚师傅带着女儿和外孙到医院去看望了周益斌，周队长的父母看到他很激动，流着泪说：“周益斌能躲过这一劫，全靠你及时帮忙。”
　　他做好事不留名有“惯例” 曾挽回两条生命
　　“这只是一种本能反应，难道眼睁睁地看着一条生命消失在眼前？”谈到救助他人的动机，龚师傅面带微笑，用手隔空比划了一下，似乎在回忆一件幸福的事，他喃喃地说：“现在那小男孩应该和我儿子差不多高了吧？”
　　原来，龚师傅口中的小男孩是他从水中救起的老乡。10多年前，龚师傅还居住在湖北省公安县，一天晚上散步时，他忽然看到一个排水渠周围站了几个小孩子在哭，再定睛一看，只见一个五岁左右的小男孩正在水渠里扑腾。
　　“那条水渠直通长江，正赶上长江洪峰期，当时水很大。”龚师傅说，转眼间小男孩又被冲出数米之外，情况十分危险，边上的几个小孩可能被吓坏了，都忘了向大人求救。
　　见此情形，龚师傅想都没想，沿着水渠一路小跑，追上小男孩后纵身一跃跳入水中。由于水流湍急，他费了不少力气才将落水男孩托起救出。
　　此时，小男孩面色苍白，呼吸微弱。龚师傅立即按他的胸口，孩子吐出几口污水后，呼吸才逐渐恢复正常。看到情况稳定，他叫附近的孩子通知家长，然后默默离开。
　　做了好事不留名，是龚师傅的“惯例”。在他看来，救人不必求回报，只图个心安，总不能见死不救。有时候被救者上门来致谢，反而心里有负担。
　　8年前，龚师傅来萧山工作，暂住在小南门。2007年的一天，他外出租房子，在第一实验小学附近看见一个小女孩在河里挣扎。不远处的岸上，堆着四五米高的塑料废弃品，龚师傅的第一反应就是小女孩玩耍时不慎跌落。
　　和以前一样，龚师傅毫不犹豫，连鞋都没有脱就跳入河中救人。当时正是冬天，河水冰冷刺骨，他奋力将小姑娘托上岸后，却发现河岸很高，自己已经没有力气爬上去。
　　幸亏龚师傅水性好，他忍着寒冷，沿着河岸游了10多分钟才从很远处上了岸。身上的衣服全部湿透，像冰块一样贴在身上，龚师傅看到小女孩的父母已经赶来，又悄然离开了。
　　没想到，当天晚上，落水小女孩的父母不知从哪里打听到了龚师傅的住址，提着水果上门道谢。龚师傅连连摆手：“应该的，应该的。”
　　龚师傅在聊天中得知，落水小女孩一家是安徽人，同样是来萧山的打工者。龚师傅和小女孩的父亲越聊越投机，当即结为兄弟。此后，逢年过节，两家人相互来往，感情颇深。
　　在同事眼中 他是个认真负责的好组长
　　王祖恩是新塘环卫所副所长，提到龚德权的为人，他连声说：“这人不错，这人不错！”
　　王祖恩说，龚德权是垃圾收集组的组长，在工作上认真负责，从没怨言，很多苦活累活都是他主动要求去做。有时快下班了，有人举报路上有抛撒漏现象，他都自己去做，从来不把这些事情推脱给组员。
　　“他好事做得多，但很多都不说，像这次救人，我们也是看到媒体报道才知道。”王祖恩“抱怨”说，他去核实这件事，龚师傅还说这点小事没必要张扬。
　　“龚德权就是这么一个人，做了好事都不说，有时我们看见了才知道。”龚师傅所在小组的组员说，去年9月份，他们小组正在商业城附近打扫卫生，一个老婆婆摔倒在路边，龚师傅赶紧跑过去把她扶起来。正当龚德权准备送老人去医院的时候，老婆婆的侄子赶了过来。
　　组员刘强说，龚师傅是个热心人，以平时的小事来说，有时垃圾来不及铲了，他都会赶过来帮忙；如果有人身体不舒服，都是龚师傅顶班。爱帮忙，使得龚师傅的休息时间都比别人少些，一般情况下，组员们在上午八九点都下班了，他却要在10点以后；下午1点多大家下班了，他要在3点以后才回家休息。
　　在亲人和邻居看来 他是个热心肠
　　对龚师傅的救人经历，妻子张叶香印象深刻：“每次救人，他都哆嗦着回来，让人心疼。”
　　张叶香不反对丈夫救人，但对他这种性格很担心：“他是家里的顶梁柱，万一出了事怎么办？我劝过他几次了，可他就不听。”但是，埋怨归埋怨，当看到丈夫救下的小女孩天真的眼神，和她父母感激的目光，她又心软了。
　　10月26日傍晚，身上带血的丈夫回到家，问明情况后，张叶香只嗔怪了一句：“干嘛这么拼，多注意安全。”然后帮丈夫换下血衣清洗起来。
　　背着丈夫，张叶香对记者说，救人光荣，其实她很欣赏老龚的做法，但不敢当面这么说，她最担心的是丈夫因为救人受到伤害。不过对龚师傅这种做法，女儿和儿子都很支持，有时候她说丈夫几句，儿女都帮着爸爸说话。
　　那么，在大女儿龚莉眼中的爸爸到底是怎样一个人呢？她在电话那头大声地告诉记者：“他是个慈祥、宽容和值得我们自豪的爸爸。”
　　龚莉说，爸爸每天凌晨3点多去上班，中午还会赶回家做饭。如果他们遇到一些不开心的事，爸爸经常会说，没什么事情的，只要全家人开心、平安、健康就是最好的。
　　在邻居眼中，龚师傅是个热心的老实人。邻居孙大娘说，他会这么做，大家一点都不意外，因为他一向是个热心肠，不管事情大小，只要能帮的，他都会帮。孙大娘指着进门的路说：“你们看，这路这么干净，就是因为老龚每天在打扫。”
　　“不仅老龚好，他们一家人都很热心，所以才会住这么久。”房东周女士说，龚师傅一家在这里已经租住了6年了，大家感情都很好。老龚的儿子也继承了老爸的优良品质，由于在电脑城里上班，周女士家的电脑都是他帮忙修的。
　　市民盛赞龚德权
　　民警抓逃犯负伤，龚德权挺身而出的报道发表后，市民在称赞民警英勇的同时，也为龚师傅义伸援手的行为叫好喝彩！
　　网友“三千炎焱”说：“现在，我们太需要有热心人站出来，扭转不良的社会风气，我们不能再冷漠！”更有网友针对前不久的“小悦悦事件”发出呼吁：“不做第十九个过路者，真正做到文明萧山，热心萧山！”
　　退休老干部杜先生打进本报新闻热线：“看到这样的事迹后，我内心受到很大触动。扪心自问，如果当时我在场，应该做不到这点。但一个普遍的环卫工人在不完全知情的情况下，敢于向伤者伸出援手，这种精神值得我们学习。”
　　区委宣传部副部长、区文明办主任沈志刚表示，龚师傅的行为令人钦佩和感动，他的老家在湖北，到萧山打工后成为一名新萧山人。“这是湖北的骄傲，也是萧山的骄傲，我们要向龚师傅学习。只要大家都能跨出一小步，我们的社会就能前进一大步。”
　　负伤民警伤势平稳
　　但需留院观察
　　遇上好市民龚德权的周益斌，也是一名好警察。他于1982年出生，2005年8月从警校毕业后，进入城厢派出所成为一名人民警察，2010年10月调到刑侦大队。
　　10月26日的抓捕行动中，周益斌身中7刀，仅面部就缝了10多针，可能会留下永久疤痕。他手臂上的刀伤很深，伤及经络，目前手指还无法弯折。幸运的是，他躲过了逃犯几次致命的攻击。手术后，周益斌已经可以说话，也能小口进食。
　　医生说，周益斌年纪轻，加上平常训练有素，身体底子比较好，恢复比较快。本周五，周益斌脸上的线可以拆掉，但由于手臂上的刀伤很深，还需留院观察几天。
　　编后语
　　冷漠VS热心
　　这次热心赢了
　　一位好警察，幸运地遇上一位好市民。面对伤者，龚德权伸出了援手，在这个秋风瑟瑟渐感衣单的季节里，给我们带来了温暖。
　　此前，在广东省发生的“小悦悦”事件，18名路人从伤者身旁经过视若无睹，这种冷漠深深刺痛了国人麻木的神经。一个正常的社会，最不能缺少的就是道德和良知，见死不救必会遭人唾弃，扶困救弱、见义勇为则受到社会肯定和公众赞许。但近年来，“彭宇案”、“许云鹤案”等见义勇为争议案件的判决，给传统社会道德带来了极大的冲击，多少人发出“做好不得好”、“好人没好报”的哀叹，公众的道德取向和行为受到颠覆，老人倒地无人敢扶的新闻层出不穷。
　　虽然有如此多冷漠的眼神，但值得庆幸的是，仍有一个陈贤妹向小悦悦伸出了援手，仍有一直默默坚持助人的龚德权救助受伤民警周益斌。他们，为世人做了好榜样，为日渐缺失道德的社会风貌挽回了些许尊严，让我们已“霜降”的心灵慢慢苏醒。不过，道德的并不完全归道德，法律何时对见义勇为不再冰冷，人心才真的会回暖。
　　这一次，热心战胜了冷漠，希望以后也是如此。
作者：撰稿 首席记者 周颖 记者 於立英 张磊 通讯员 胡早玲 李志平 蒋缘园 摄影 记者 张培　　编辑：许燕
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徐京华：好样的！
[刘继顺按]本文作者以其虚伪的道德政治及傲慢的帝国心态，居高临下地看待中国在非洲的投资。文中不乏偏见、岐视、编造与揣测。可见要走向世界，打破原有的经济与政治影响版图，对中国而言，任重而道远！
谁是徐京华？
来源：FT中文网&
作者：英国《金融时报》 汤姆&伯吉斯、迪米、辛西娅&奥默丘
2013年12月，在参加完纳尔逊&曼德拉(Nelson
Mandela)的追悼会后，塞拉利昂总统欧内斯特&巴伊&科罗马(Ernest Bai
Koroma)在安哥拉短暂停留，为自己战乱频仍的国家商谈一笔投资。在罗安达市中心一座金色摩天大楼的餐厅里，一些宾客注意到科罗马全神贯注地与右座的中国人交谈着。
On his way home from
Nelson Mandela’s memorial service in December, Ernest Bai Koroma,
the president of Sierra Leone, stopped off in Angola to discuss an
investment in his war-scarred nation. Fellow guests in the dining
room of a golden skyscraper in the centre of Luanda, one of the
towering edifices that an oil boom has raised above the slums of
Angola’s capital, observed Koroma in rapt conversation with the
Chinese man seated to his right.
此人56岁，身材矮小，发际线高，留着整齐的山羊胡子。他身着黑色西装、红色领带，戴着方形镜片的眼镜。他有至少7个名字，其中最为人所知的是徐京华(Sam
Pa)。他比那些出访非洲各国、推动中非经贸合作的中国政要更加低调。非洲的石油和矿产为中国惊人的经济增长提供了原材料。
The short 56-year-old
had a receding hairline and a neat goatee beard. He wore a black
suit, a red tie and rectangular spectacles. He goes by at least
seven names and keeps a lower profile than the Chinese dignitaries
who have visited African capitals to trumpet Beijing’s burgeoning
alliance with a continent whose oil and minerals have helped feed
China’s phenomenal economic growth. Most commonly, he is known as
过去10年，原本默默无闻的徐京华，在全球五大洲达成了价值数百亿美元的合同。他从无到有，协助建立起一个庞大的企业网络，该网络的企业通过共同的所有者或董事联系在一起，而且注册地址都是香港金钟道88号(88
Queensway)。关注其发展的人们将其称为“金钟道集团”。
Over the past decade,
Pa has risen from obscurity to clinch deals across five continents
worth tens of billions of dollars. He has helped to build from
scratch a sprawling network of companies linked by common owners,
directors and a registered address at 88 Queensway in Hong Kong.
Those who have followed the network’s evolution have dubbed it the
“Queensway group”.
该集团与英国石油(BP)、道达尔(Total)以及大宗商品交易商嘉能可(Glencore)均有业务往来，从印度尼西亚的天然气、迪拜的炼油，到新加坡的豪华公寓和一支空客(Airbus)机队，都有它的利益；它还活跃于朝鲜和俄罗斯。它由多家私营离岸公司组成网络，骨干则是两家公司：安中石油(China
Sonangol)，它主要是一家石油公司（尽管也拥有华尔街纽交所(NYSE)对面摩根大通(JPMorgan)的前总部大楼）；以及中国国际基金（China
International
Fund，简称中基公司），它是主营基础设施和矿业的分支，其旗帜飘扬在罗安达那座金色摩天大楼的大门上方。据接触过金钟道集团的能源行业内部人士表示，徐京华的跨国业务既是“幽灵”，也是“超级帝国”。
The group is in
business with BP, Total and the commodity trader G it
boasts interests stretching from Indonesian gas and oil-refining in
Dubai to luxury apartments in Singapore and a fleet of A
it is active in North Korea and Russia. It comprises a web of
private and offshore companies underpinning two main enterprises:
China Sonangol, which is principally an oil company (although it
also owns the former JPMorgan building opposite the New York Stock
Exchange on Wall Street) and China International Fund, an
infrastructure and mining arm, whose flag flies above the entrance
to Luanda’s golden skyscraper. To resource industry insiders who
have encountered it, Pa’s multinational operation is both a “ghost”
and “a heck of an empire”.
这个帝国的根基在非洲，罗安达那座金碧辉煌的摩天大楼是它的基地。徐京华没有出现在金钟道集团任何公司的股东或董事名单中，但他确实代表该企业网络，与各国总统、酋长和大亨会晤。他在中国进军非洲的过程中（这是冷战结束以来最为戏剧性地改变世界最贫穷大洲政治和前景的大事）扮演中间人角色，由此积累了权势和财富。
That empire has its
foundations in Africa, where the Luanda skyscraper serves as its
resplendent base. Pa is not listed as a shareholder or director of
any Queensway company but he does act as the network’s
representative in meetings with presidents, sheikhs and tycoons. He
has garnered power and wealth by making himself a middleman in
China’s courtship of Africa & the development that has transformed
the politics and prospects of the world’s poorest continent more
dramatically than anything since the end of the cold
中国官员多次否认中国政府与金钟道集团在非洲的活动之间存在联系。但英国《金融时报》根据从四大洲收集的公司记录、泄密文件和采访进行的调查发现，徐京华及其同伴与北京的强大利益集团存在联系，包括中国情报机构和国有企业。在中国进军非洲的过程中，金钟道企业网络发挥了关键作用。
Chinese officials
have repeatedly denied any link between their government and the
Queensway group’s activities in Africa. But a Financial Times
investigation, based on corporate records, leaked documents and
interviews on four continents, has established that Pa and his
associates have connections to powerful interests in Beijing,
including Chinese intelligence and state-owned companies. The
Queensway network has played a pivotal role in advancing China’s
African quest.
金钟道集团的企业成为一些专制政权的首选合作伙伴，这些政权控制着非洲一些资源最丰富的国家。这些国家腐败猖獗，数以百万计的人深陷贫困，而统治者聚敛起巨额财富，例如罗伯特&穆加贝(Robert
Mugabe)的津巴布韦、军政府手上沾满鲜血的几内亚，以及安哥拉和尼日利亚这样的腐败的石油国家。这种业务策略2014年使徐京华被美国列入制裁名单。
Queensway group
companies have made themselves a partner of choice for the
repressive regimes that control some of Africa’s most resource-rich
states, where corruption traps millions in poverty while their
rulers amass extraordinary wealth & from Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe
and a murderous junta in Guinea to the corrupt petro-states of
Angola and Nigeria. It is a strategy that this year earned Pa a
place on a US sanctions list.&
记者曾请求徐京华对本文置评，但未获回应。他曾两次在电话中用带有口音的英文承诺回电，但从未兑现。记者曾经在哈拉雷、科纳克里和罗安达找到金钟道集团企业的代表，但他们拒绝接受采访。今年5月，记者前往香港金钟道88号闪闪发光的高层写字楼（那些公司的注册地址）。公司人员告知记者，不会有人与记者交谈，并要求记者离开。安中石油驻新加坡分部的法律部主管Jee
Kin Wee回复了数封邮件，但没有回答有关“安中石油”名下企业之间有何关联的问题。英国《金融时报》向Jee Kin
Wee发出一份详细的提问清单后，收到一封长达3页、用安中石油公司官方信纸打印并署名“China
Sonangol”（即公司英文名称——译者注）的回信。这封信专门回答了英国《金融时报》所提52个问题中的4个。
Pa has not responded
to requests for comment on this story. On two occasions in phone
conversations, he promised, in accented English, to call back but
never did. I tracked down representatives from Queensway companies
in Harare, Conakry and Luanda but they declined interview requests.
In May, I visited the shimmering office tower at 88 Queensway in
Hong Kong where the companies are registered. I was informed by
company personnel that no one would speak to me and was told to
leave. Jee Kin Wee, head of legal for China Sonangol’s arm in
Singapore, responded to several emails but did not address
questions about the interconnections between companies that bear
China Sonangol’s name. A detailed list of questions to Jee from the
FT triggered a three-page letter on company letterhead, signed
China Sonangol. The letter responded specifically to four of the 52
questions raised by the FT.
安中石油在回信中表示：“出于保密协议以及我司对隐私的合理愿望（私营企业有此权利），我们将不会向贵方提供任何超出必要范围的额外信息。然而，如果贵方重复要求或发表诽谤言论，我方保留寻求法律救济的权利。”回信补充道：“我司并非上市公司，法律不要求我司像上市公司那样披露所有业务行为。”
China Sonangol, in
its response, said: “Due to confidentiality agreements and our
legitimate desire for privacy, which private companies are entitled
to, we will not be providing you with any additional information
than is necessary [sic]. We do however reserve our rights to pursue
legal remedies if you repeat or publish defamatory statements.” The
letter adds: “We are not a listed company and the Law does not
require us to disclose all our business dealings in the same manner
as listed companies.”&
中国与非洲盟国一直努力将它们的关系描述为互惠互利的关系。
中国在非洲修建公路、铁路和桥梁。中非年贸易额过去10年增长9倍，达到2000亿美元。惠誉(Fitch&
Ratings)表示，在截至2010年的10年中，中国提供海外融资的主要国有银行投放给非洲国家的贷款达到670亿美元，超过世界银行(World
Bank)投放给非洲的贷款。美国政府今年试图通过与非洲国家首脑在白宫举行的峰会重新树立其影响力，而这些领导人中有不少曾受到中方大笔投资的吸引。但徐京华和金钟道集团的故事披露了中国在非洲打交道的另一面——它预示的不是一场新的黎明，而是延续往日劣政的风险。
Beijing and its
African allies have been at pains to portray their relationship as
one of mutual upliftment. China has built roads, railways and
bridges. China-Africa trade increased tenfold over the past decade
to $200bn annually. According to Fitch Ratings, in the decade to
2010, loans to African countries by China’s main state bank for
overseas finance reached $67bn, outstripping African lending by the
World Bank. Washington this week sought to reassert its influence
with a White House summit for African leaders, many of whom have
been wooed by Chinese largesse. Yet the story of Pa and the
Queensway group exposes another side of China’s dealings in Africa
& one that heralds not a new dawn but the risk of perpetuating past
misrule.. . .
对于徐京华的背景，各方的叙述不尽相同也不甚完整。他似乎是1958年出生在中国内地，儿时迁往香港。他是中国公民，同时持有安哥拉国籍，育有两名子女。香港的公司记录显示，他曾在20世纪90年代参与创业，但后来不了了之。
There are differing and incomplete accounts of Sam Pa’s past. It
appears that he was born in mainland China in 1958 and moved to
Hong Kong as a child. A Chinese national, he also holds Angolan
citizenship. He has two children. Hong Kong corporate records show
that in the 1990s he was involved in business ventures that fizzled
在1978年开始的改革推动中国经济腾飞后，千年之交前后，中国国家主席江泽民推出了“走出去”政策。中国国企被鼓励走出国门寻找自然资源，为中国产品寻找市场，为中国工人寻找施工项目。非洲恰好在这三方面充满潜力。但中国的高官们不熟悉非洲，他们需要能在非洲各国首都打开门路的中间人。那些有关系、肯动脑筋、不畏风险的男男女女迎来了千载难逢的机会，他们将前途寄托在中国对非洲宝藏的渴求上。
Around the turn of the millennium, after reforms that began in
1978 kick-started the Chinese economy, President Jiang Zemin
launched a “go out” policy. China’s state-owned companies were sent
forth in search of natural resources, markets for Chinese goods and
construction projects for Chinese labourers. Africa was ripe with
potential for all three. But it was unfamiliar terrain for
Beijing’s mandarins. They needed go-betweens who could open doors
in African capitals & a once-in-a-generation opportunity for men
and women with the connections, guile and appetite for risk to
harness their fortunes to China’s desire for African
treasure.&
徐京华既热爱这项事业，也拥有结交决策者的魅力（尽管偶尔脾气暴躁）。“他有时非常认真、锲而不舍，”曾在担任几内亚矿业部长时与徐京华合作过的瑞银(UBS)前银行家马哈茂德&蒂亚姆(Mahmoud
Thiam)向记者表示，“他对于中国在世界上应当扮演的角色抱有非常意识形态化的观点。但他能开玩笑，也有人情味。”
Pa possessed both devotion
to the cause and, despite an occasionally explosive temper, the
charm to forge ties with decision makers. “He’s a very serious and
intense individual at times,” Mahmoud Thiam, a former UBS banker
who worked with Pa when Thiam was Guinea’s mining minister, told
me. “He has a very ideological view about the role China should
play in the world. But he can joke and be
personable.”&
2003年初，徐京华抵达埃尔德&巴塔利亚(Helder
Bataglia)位于里斯本的办公室，参加会议。巴塔利亚出生于葡萄牙，但在安哥拉长大，并成为该国最大的私人投资者之一，之后将触角伸入其他前沿市场。巴塔利亚回忆道，徐京华称，希望组建合资企业，在南美和非洲寻找交易。“听着，这太好了，”巴塔利亚答道，“我们很想帮忙，因为中国对这些大洲的发展十分重要。但我们需要进一步了解你的情况。”巴塔利亚在2014年的一次采访中告诉记者，于是，徐京华带他去了中国。
In early 2003, Pa
arrived for a meeting at the Lisbon office of Helder Bataglia.
Bataglia was born in Portugal but grew up in Angola, where he
became one of the biggest private investors before widening his
interests into other frontier markets. Bataglia recalls that Pa
said he wanted to form a joint venture to hunt for deals in South
America and Africa. “Listen, it’s fantastic,” Bataglia replied. “We
would like to help because China is very important to the
development of these continents. But we need to know more about
you.” So, Bataglia told me in an interview this year, Pa took him
巴塔利亚回忆道，代表团在北京机场的要客区得到了接待。徐京华设宴招待，并安排他们与中国国企代表会晤。“他们所说的与徐京华告诉我们的一模一样：‘合作吧，因为我们缺乏这方面的经验。’”在关系决定一切的中国，巴塔利亚对这位新交的人脉底气消除了所有怀疑。“我当然认为徐京华是为政府工作的。”
The delegation was
received in the protocol area of Beijing’s airport, Bataglia
recalls. Pa laid on official dinners and meetings with
representatives of China’s state-owned companies. “They [said]
exactly what Pa said to us: ‘Let’s co-operate because we lack
experience in this field.’” In a land where personal connections
are everything, Bataglia was left in no doubt as to the strength of
his new acquaintance’s credentials: “Of course I thought Sam worked
for the government.”&
但事情没那么简单。我问巴塔利亚他是否了解过徐京华的背景。“我觉得他有秘密情报部门的背景，如今他的任务是将中国势力扩张至世界。”巴塔利亚回忆道，徐京华说得不多，只谈到他在“有关部门”度过的时间。
But it was not so
straightforward. I asked Bataglia what he had gathered about Pa’s
past. “His background, I thought, was in the secret services & that
he had a mission now to expand China into the world.” Pa offered
few details, referring only to his time in “the service”, Bataglia
据一位多年来与非洲情报部门和军火交易商关系密切、不愿具名的人士透露，徐京华早在20世纪80年代就为中国的对外情报部门工作。这位人士回忆称，他在那段时期曾遇见徐京华，后者当时使用另一个化名。“他一直在中国情报机构工作，”这位人士表示，“徐京华在非洲军火交易中发挥着重要作用。石油、钻石和武器密不可分。当时在情报机构工作的人都从了商。”
According to a person
who has been close to African intelligence agencies and arms
dealers for years and who asked not to be identified, Pa was
working for the external branch of Chinese intelligence as early as
the 1980s. This person recalls encountering Pa during this period,
while he was operating under another name. “All his life he’s
worked in Chinese intelligence,” this person says. “Sam is a big
player in arms in Africa. Oil, diamonds and weapons go together.
Everyone who was in intelligence at that time, they went into
business.”
巴塔利亚对徐京华打开中国门路的能力感到折服，于是同意与他和他刚开始召集的同僚们建立合作伙伴关系。他们最初在南美寻找能源和基建交易，之后将注意力转向安哥拉。
Impressed by Pa’s
ability to open doors in China, Bataglia agreed to form a
partnership with him and the band of associates he had begun to
assemble. After first seeking energy and infrastructure deals in
South America, they turned their attention to Angola.
在石油、钻石的驱使和超级大国角力的影响下，安哥拉经历了30年时断时续的内战，满目疮痍。随着若泽&爱德华多&多斯桑托斯（Jos&
Eduardo dos
Santos，1975年安哥拉脱离葡萄牙统治独立，他从1979年起担任总统至今）的部队终于击垮安盟(UNITA)叛军，他四处呼吁资金援助，以支援重建。西方援助机构十分警惕，不轻易向这个以腐败闻名的政权提供资金。多斯桑托斯只能另想出路。他将目光投向了东方。徐京华在合适的时间出现在了合适的地点。
After three decades of on-off civil war fuelled
by oil, diamonds and superpower rivalry, Angola lay in ruins. As
the forces of Jos& Eduardo dos Santos & Angola’s president since
1979, four years after independence from Portugal & finally ground
down the Unita rebels, he appealed for funds to aid reconstruction.
Western donors were wary of extending funds to a regime with a
reputation for corruption. Dos Santos needed an alternative. He
looked east. Pa found himself in the right place at the right
在中国情报机构任职期间，徐京华似乎积累了大量非洲人脉。“徐京华告诉我，10到15年前他在安哥拉，”巴塔利亚回忆道，他说的是他们在2003年第一次见面的时候，“当时去安哥拉肯定是为了公务。”徐京华告诉巴塔利亚，他曾经见过多斯桑托斯，但没有细说自己去安哥拉的任务。上述资深情报人士告诉记者，徐京华在安哥拉内战晚期参与了中国向多斯桑托斯政府的军火销售。记者无法查证徐京华扮演过什么角色，部分原因是，就连消息最为灵通的军火贸易专家也认为，中国对非洲的军售是不透明的。
appears to have amassed African contacts during his years in
Chinese intelligence. “Sam told me that 10 or 15 years ago he was
in Angola,” Bataglia recalls, referring to their first meetings in
2003. “In that time, to go to Angola, it must be for official
purposes.” Pa told Bataglia that he had met Dos Santos but did not
elaborate on his Angolan mission. The intelligence veteran told me
that Pa was involved in Chinese arms sales to Dos Santos’s
government in the later years of the civil war. I could not
substantiate what role, if any, Pa played, in part because even
some of the best-informed experts on the arms trade regard Chinese
arms sales in Africa as opaque.&
到2002年安哥拉内战结束时，多斯桑托斯的特使已经在为一份巨额协议做铺垫，该协议后来成为中国在非洲的第一笔大单。中国提供以石油偿还的廉价信贷，为公路、铁路和住房提供建设资金，这种资源换基建的交易后来被专家们称为“安哥拉模式”，在其他国家得到复制。安哥拉也由此成为中国第二大原油供应国，仅次于沙特阿拉伯。
By the end of the
Angolan civil war in 2002, Dos Santos’s emissaries were laying the
groundwork for a multibillion-dollar pact that would be China’s
first megadeal in Africa. Cheap Chinese credit to be repaid in oil
would fund roads, railways and housing, a
resources-for-infrastructure bargain that experts would come to
call “Angola Mode” as it was replicated elsewhere. Angola would
emerge as China’s biggest supplier of crude after Saudi
随着罗安达和北京的外交联络深化，埃尔德&巴塔利亚和徐京华拥有了两国政府的人脉，从而担当起中间人的角色。巴塔利亚表示，他满足于拉近两国的关系，加速安哥拉中国与安哥拉的交易被标榜为两国政府之间的协议。但在阴影处还有另一笔融合私人利益与国家权力的交易。的重建。他还说，他与徐京华的合作关系后来告吹。但在那之前，他曾于2003年末与徐京华一同再次访问北京。巴塔利亚回忆道，他们得到了副总理曾培炎的接见。曾培炎后来在中安关系中成为中国的代表，他在2005年飞赴罗安达，签署了中安两国从技术到矿产等一系列领域的合作协议。巴塔利亚回忆道，当他和徐京华在北京与曾培炎见面时，代表团中还有另外一人——彬彬有礼的安哥拉国家石油公司Sonangol首席执行官曼努埃尔&维森特(Manuel
Vicente)。（徐京华没有回答有关这次会晤的问题；维森特拒绝回答；记者无法联系上曾培炎。）
China’s deal with
Angola was billed as a pact between two states. But in the shadows,
a parallel deal had taken shape, melding private interests with
state power.
As the diplomatic
channels between Luanda and Beijing deepened, Helder Bataglia and
Sam Pa had the connections in both capitals to carve out a role for
themselves as go-betweens. Bataglia says he was content to help
bring the two nations together to hasten Angolan reconstruction and
that his partnership with Pa lapsed soon thereafter. Before then,
though, he and Pa had returned to Beijing in late 2003. Bataglia
recalls that they were granted an audience with Zeng Peiyan, a
vice-premier who would become the outward face of China’s
relationship with Angola when he flew to Luanda in 2005 and signed
agreements for Sino-Angolan co-operation in everything from
technology to minerals. Bataglia recalls that when he and Pa met
Zeng in Beijing, their delegation had an extra member & Manuel
Vicente, the urbane head of Angola’s national oil company,
Sonangol. (Pa did not respond to question
Vicente dec Zeng could not be
维森特矮胖、和蔼。但在笑容可掬的举止背后，他是一位难缠的谈判者，让那些花费百亿美元开采安哥拉原油的外国石油公司遭遇了艰苦的谈判。2012年，我在罗安达山顶的总统府邸采访了他，当时他刚刚被提拔至一个负责经济协调的实权岗位。不久之后，他出任副总统，被视为多斯桑托斯的潜在继承者。
Vicente is a chunky, affable man. But beneath his
cheery demeanour is a tough negotiator who drives a hard bargain
with the foreign oil companies that have spent tens of billions of
dollars to tap Angola’s crude. When I interviewed him in 2012 at
Luanda’s hilltop presidential enclave, he had recently been
promoted to a powerful new post in charge of economic
co-ordination. Before long, he would be vice-president, tipped as a
potential heir to Dos Santos.
在维森特执掌Sonangol的12年期间，该公司成为非洲最为强势的本土石油公司，用为南非安全研究所(Institute&
for Security Studies)撰稿的安哥拉专家保拉&罗克(Paula
Roque)的话来说，它是“总统控制、操纵的影子政府”的“主要经济发动机”。这个发动机不缺燃料：2011年，国际货币基金组织(IMF)发现安哥拉的国民账户存在320亿美元的差额，该组织称，失踪资金大部分在维森特执掌期间流经Sonangol。
In Vicente’s 12 years in charge of Sonangol, it
had become the continent’s most formidable homegrown oil company &
and, in the words of Paula Roque, an Angola expert writing for
South Africa’s Institute for Security Studies, the “chief economic
motor” of a “shadow government controlled and manipulated by the
presidency”. That motor has plenty of fuel: when, in 2011, the
International Monetary Fund discovered a $32bn discrepancy in
Angola’s national accounts, it said the bulk of the missing funds
had flowed through Sonangol on Vicente’s
通过结交维森特和Sonangol，徐京华打开了通往安哥拉政权核心圈子的大门，这个圈子紧紧掌握着非洲与日俱增的石油实力。
By cultivating Vicente and Sonangol, Pa opened a
gateway to the inner circle of the regime that has Africa’s rising
oil power firmly in its grasp.
荷兰皇家壳牌(Royal Dutch
Shell)与英国石油(BP)曾在安哥拉拥有一个合资石油项目。2003年末，前者将自己在合资项目中所占的一半股份挂牌出售。该项目称为“第18区块”(Block
18)，很有可能探明巨大海上石油储量，吸引了一些公司竞标。维森特认定，与其将这笔股份留给另一家外国石油公司，不如让Sonangol行使权利自行买下，然后自主选择合作伙伴。“我们想找中国的合作伙伴加入我们，获得那笔股份，因此我们成立了这家公司。”
In late 2003, Royal Dutch Shell put up for sale
its half of an Angolan oil venture with BP. The prospect, known as
Block 18, was shaping up to be a prodigious offshore discovery and
it attracted rival bidders. Vicente decided that, rather than let
the stake pass directly to another foreign oil company, Sonangol
would exercise its right to buy it for itself and bring in partners
of its own choosing. “We looked for a partner in China to join us
and to get that stake and that’s why we formed this
company.”
当时的多数新闻报道简单记录道，2004年末，Sonangol联手中石化(Sinopec)收购了壳牌的股权，让中石化这家国有石油巨擘首次染指安哥拉的原油。青睐中国企业合情合理：就在几个月前，中国政府同意向安哥拉发放第一笔20亿美元的贷款。但这笔交易背后还有许多不为人知的玄机。
Most news reports at
the time simply recorded that, in late 2004, Sonangol acquired
Shell’s stake in partnership with Sinopec, granting the giant
state-owned oil company its first taste of Angola’s crude.
Favouring a Chinese company made sense: Beijing had agreed its
initial $2bn loan to Angola just months earlier. But there was more
to the deal than met the eye.&
2004年8月，就在“第18区块”交易达成的几个月前，一家新公司在香港注册，名为“安中国际石油控股有限公司”(China
Sonangol International Holding
Limited)。另一家公司——注册地址同为香港金钟道88号——获得了安中70%的股份。那家公司的所有者是徐京华的两位同僚和一位自称撮合了该交易的中国商人。其余30%的股份被分配给曼努埃尔&维森特执掌的安哥拉国家石油公司Sonangol。“第18区块”交易最初的主导者并不是中石化，而是徐京华刚刚建立的金钟道集团。“他们拿到了贷款，我们付给壳牌，”维森特向记者表示，“大概是8亿美元。之后……我们接洽了中石化。”
In August 2004,
months before the Block 18 deal was completed, a new company was
registered in Hong Kong. It was called China Sonangol International
Holding Limited. Another company & also registered to an address at
88 Queensway, Hong Kong & was allocated 70 per cent of China
Sonangol’s shares. It was owned by two of Pa’s associates and a
Chinese businessman who says he helped broker the deal. The
remaining 30 per cent stake was allocated to Sonangol, the Angolan
state oil company over which Manuel Vicente presided. It was Pa’s
nascent Queensway group & not, at first, Sinopec & that was the
prime mover in the Block 18 transaction. “They got the loan, we
paid Shell,” Vicente told me. “It was, let’s say, 800-something
[million dollars]. And after that, later on … we called
Sinopec.”&
收购壳牌“第18区块”股份的交易完成后，股份的新主人是“安中石化国际公司”(Sonangol
International)，表面上，它不过是安哥拉和中国两国国有石油公司的合资企业。但安哥拉一方的利益并非由Sonangol直接持有，而是通过它与徐京华的金钟道企业网络建立的合资公司安中石油持有。2007年，该项目开始出油。根据中石化的估值，到了2010年，金钟道集团在“第18区块”的权益价值9.6亿美元。如今，该项目每天开采18万桶原油，是安哥拉全国产出的十分之一。
When the deal for
Shell’s Block 18 stake was completed, the new owner was a company
called Sonangol Sinopec International & ostensibly no more than a
partnership between state-owned oil companies from Angola and
China. But Angola’s interest was held not directly by the state oil
company but by China Sonangol, its joint venture with Pa’s
Queensway network. In 2007, the crude started to flow. By 2010,
according to a valuation by Sinopec, the Queensway group’s interest
in Block 18 was worth $960m. Today, the project produces 180,000
barrels of oil a day, one-tenth of Angola’s
徐京华已经在非洲树立了金钟道集团的旗帜。他模仿中国政府的策略，在拿下能源合同的同时提供基建计划。据安哥拉财政部介绍，2005年，同样注册在金钟道88号、但由徐京华的同僚持有全部股份的中国国际基金募资29亿美元，承建罗安达新机场以及下水道管网等项目。大部分工程被转包给中国国有企业。
had planted the Queensway flag in Africa. Mirroring Beijing’s
tactics, he offered infrastructure packages to complement resources
deals. In 2005, China International Fund, another company
registered to the Queensway address but this time wholly owned by
Pa’s associates, raised $2.9bn for projects ranging from a new
airport in Luanda to drainage works, according to the Angolan
finance ministry. Much of the work was farmed out to Chinese
state-owned groups.
凭借着原油和工程合同，徐京华将自己的命运与中国在非洲的扩张紧紧相连。但不久之后的一场危机，将他羽翼未丰的企业帝国拖到灾难边缘。
With his crude and
contracts, Pa had put himself in lockstep with China’s advance into
Africa. But soon he would face a crisis that would bring his
fledgling corporate empire to the brink of disaster.
在准备大干一场发财致富的时候，徐京华的主要盟友是中国统治阶层根正苗红的一员。
Fong-hung)是位小个子女人，留着不过肩的深色短发。据与她见过面的人表示，她流露着权势。2004年，她与埃尔德&巴塔利亚前往拉丁美洲寻找合同，当她在乌戈&查韦斯(Hugo
Ch&vez)每周一次的电视节目上亮相时，委内瑞拉领导人声称她是一位中国将军的女儿。她的丈夫王翔飞曾在中国顶尖的人民大学(Renmin
University)担任金融学教授，并在国有金融机构中国光大集团(China Everbright
Group)工作23年，担任过数个高层职位。他还在中国多家知名公司的董事会任职，也在金钟道集团的公司担任职位。
When he set out to make his fortune, Sam Pa’s principal ally was a
thoroughbred member of China’s ruling class.
Lo Fong-hung is a petite woman with dark hair worn in a bob.
According to people who have met her, she exudes authority. When
she appeared on Hugo Ch&vez’s weekly television show in 2004,
during a trip to Latin America to scout for deals with Helder
Bataglia, the Venezuelan leader declared that she was the daughter
of a Chinese general. She is married to Wang Xiangfei, a former
professor of finance at China’s elite Renmin University, who held
several top posts at China Everbright Group during 23 years at the
state-owned finance house. He has also sat on prestigious Chinese
boards, as well as holding positions in Queensway
companies.&
一位曾在香港与罗方红、徐京华及其下属进餐的西方商人回忆道：“她给人的唯一印象是权势的气场。她只是坐在那里听着。有时候，是别人耳语给她听。”曾任几内亚矿业部长的马哈茂德&蒂亚姆表示：“一切都表明徐京华是老大。但你能感觉到，他想摆脱罗方红是不可能的。”
A western businessman
who dined with Lo, Pa and their subordinates in Hong Kong recalls:
“She didn’t give off any impression other than a sense of power.
She just sits there and listens. Sometimes things are whispered to
her.” Mahmoud Thiam, the former Guinean mining minister, says:
“Everything indicated that [Pa] was the boss. But you got the sense
that if he wanted to get rid of Lo, he could
罗方红拥有创辉国际发展有限公司(New
Bright International Development)
30%的股份，该公司位于金钟道集团企业架构的顶点。创辉其余70%的股份被一位名叫冯婉筠(Veronica
Fung)的女性持有。她没有罗方红和王翔飞那样显赫的资历，但她有一个重要的关系——徐京华本人。
owns 30 per cent of the shares in New Bright International
Development, the company at the apex of the Queensway group’s
corporate structure. The remaining 70 per cent of New Bright’s
shares are held by a woman called Veronica Fung. She lacks the
credentials of Lo and Wang but she has one important relationship &
to Pa himself.&
金钟道集团首批公司成立之前，冯婉筠在商界唯一有据可查的角色是徐京华在香港企业的合伙人。媒体报道和研究金钟道集团的人称她是徐京华的妻子或女友，是他的利益的代理人。（在致英国《金融时报》的信函中，安中石油拒绝澄清他们俩的关系；包括冯婉筠、罗方红和王翔飞在内的金钟道集团其他代表没有回应英国《金融时报》的提问。）
&Fung’s sole recorded role in
business prior to the formation of the first Queensway companies
was as a partner in a Hong Kong business venture with Pa. She has
been described in press reports and by people who have studied the
Queensway group as Pa’s wife or girlfriend, a proxy for his
interests. (In its letter to the FT, China Sonangol declined to
clarif other representatives of companies at
the Queensway address, including Fung, Lo and Wang, did not respond
to questions from the FT.)
徐京华的数个化名均未出现在金钟道集团公司的股东名册中。的确，这些公司的律师坚持徐只是顾问，而非正式员工，尽管他被迪拜政府称为安中石油董事长，被塞拉利昂总统称为中国国际基金的副董事长。（安中石油在致英国《金融时报》的信中表示，徐京华不是公司董事长——该职位由Sonangol的掌门人担任。）
&None of Pa’s aliases appears in
the shareholder registers filed by Queensway companies. Indeed,
their lawyers insist he is not formally an employee, merely an
adviser, even though he has been described by Dubai’s government as
the chairman of China Sonangol and by Sierra Leone’s presidency as
the vice-chairman of China International Fund. (China Sonangol, in
its letter to the FT, said that Pa is not the chairman of the
company & that position is held by the head of
Sonangol.)
徐京华擅长展示他在中国政府高层的关系，这在很大程度上说服非洲国家的统治者，他是有能力谈成大合同的人。2004年，他在安哥拉拿下首个石油合同，一年后又通过中国国际基金拿下基建合同。但之后，2007年来了。
&Pa’s ability to put on a
display of top-level access in Beijing has been crucial in
persuading African rulers that he was a man with the clout to pull
off the big deals. In 2004 he struck his first Angolan oil deal,
followed a year later by China International Fund’s infrastructure
contracts. But then came 2007.
2007年是中国精英阶层动荡的一年，各派系在中共5年一次的领导层交接前展开角力。由于腐败丑闻爆发，中石化（在金钟道集团的撮合下进军安哥拉的国有石油公司）董事长辞职。曾培炎（据埃尔德&巴塔利亚记得曾在北京会晤徐京华和曼努埃尔&维森特的副总理）退休。
That was a year of
upheaval within the Chinese elite, as factions tussled ahead of the
Communist party’s five-yearly leadership transition. The head of
Sinopec, the state oil company that the Queensway group had brought
to Angola, was forced to resign amid a corruption scandal. Zeng
Peiyan, the vice-premier whom Helder Bataglia recalled meeting in
Beijing with Sam Pa and Manuel Vicente,
徐京华的命途似乎走向衰落。有迹象显示，北京方面对他利用与中国国企的关系、自由放任地聚敛商业利益的做法感到震惊。2007年，中国国际基金在安哥拉的一批基建项目因资金短缺而停工，危及中国与安哥拉（后者正迅速成为重要的石油供应国）关系，中国商务部警告国内企业不要介入。据官方媒体和泄露的通信记录显示，中国内地和香港的证券监管机构对一起疑似内幕交易展开调查，该内幕交易涉及中国国际基金授予中国一家工程集团的安哥拉建设合同，价值50亿美元。
Pa’s fortunes
appeared to be on the wane. There were signs of alarm in Beijing
about the freewheeling style with which he had amassed business
interests with ties to Chinese state-owned groups. When China
International Fund’s slew of infrastructure projects in Angola ran
short of funds in 2007 and stalled & potentially imperilling
Chinese relations with a country that was fast becoming a vital oil
supplier & the Ministry of Commerce in Beijing warned Chinese
companies to steer clear. According to state media and leaked
correspondence, securities regulators in China and Hong Kong
launched probes into suspected insider trading related to a $5bn
Angolan construction contract awarded by China International Fund
to a Chinese engineering group.
但之后中国的权力掮客们得到一记提醒：即便他们对徐京华抱有戒心，但他们需要他。
就在中国共产党召开十七大的2007年10月，安哥拉的“第18区块”开始出油。中石化得到该区块原油的一部分——但只是因为它与徐京华的金钟道集团和安哥拉国家石油公司建立的合资企业，才得到该区块的权益。“中石化最初以为那是短期合资企业，但后来意识到无法抽身，”英国智库——皇家国际事务研究所(Chatham
House)的非洲项目主管亚历克斯&瓦因斯(Alex
Vines)表示。瓦因斯曾在研究金钟道集团时采访过中国石油业高管。安哥拉当局之后授予中石化的石油开采权，均以该合资企业为直接接受方。
But then there came a
reminder to China’s powerbrokers that, even if they were wary of
Pa, they needed him.
In October 2007, the
same month that China’s Communist party convened for its leadership
conclave, Angola’s Block 18 started pumping oil. Sinopec enjoyed a
share of the crude & but only because it had secured an interest in
the block through its joint venture with Pa’s Queensway group and
Angola’s state oil company. “Sinopec saw it as a short-term joint
venture to get in, but then [Sinopec] realised they were locked
in,” says Alex Vines, who, as head of the Africa programme at the
UK’s Chatham House think-tank, has interviewed Chinese oil
executives during years of research into the Queensway group. All
of the oil rights that the Angolan authorities have subsequently
granted to Sinopec have been awarded to this joint
“第18区块”只是开始。金钟道集团与安哥拉国家石油公司合资建立的安中石油，随后在安哥拉另外十多个石油勘探开采项目中获得直接或间接股份，成为法国道达尔、意大利埃尼(Eni)和美国康菲(ConocoPhillips)等大牌企业的合作伙伴。原油通过安中石油运往中国，用于偿还数十亿美元的融资，但这些交易的条款是高度机密。维基解密(WikiLeaks)公布的一份2009年外交电文显示，中国驻安哥拉大使曾告诉美国官员，中国国际基金的香港所有者——指徐京华的金钟道网络——与多斯桑托斯总统发展了“密切关系”。
&Block 18 was just the
beginning. China Sonangol, the Queensway group’s partnership with
Angola’s state oil company, was granted direct and indirect stakes
in a dozen more Angolan oil prospects, becoming a partner to Total
of France, Eni of Italy and ConocoPhillips of the US among others.
It became the conduit for crude cargoes sent to China as repayments
for multibillion-dollar finance packages, the terms of which were
closely guarded. China’s ambassador in Angola told American
officials that China International Fund’s Hong Kong-based owners &
a reference to Pa’s Queensway network & had developed a “close
relationship” with President Dos Santos, according to a 2009 US
diplomatic cable published by WikiLeaks.
曾经是叛乱组织的安盟如今是安哥拉的主要反对党，其党魁伊萨亚斯&萨马库瓦(Isa&as
Samakuva)对安中石油是“政府中的政府”的说法深表赞同。“我认为这是多斯桑托斯及其统治所获得支持的关键，”他告诉记者。我问他，对政权的支持是如何运转的。他说：“我们只能猜测。一切都在暗处。”
Isa&as Samakuva,
leader of Unita, the former rebel group that is now the main
opposition party, echoes those who describe China Sonangol as “a
government within a government”. “I think it is the key to all the
support that is given to Mr Dos Santos, to his rule,” he told me. I
asked how that support for the regime worked. “We can only
speculate. Everything is in the dark.”&
对离岸避税港的使用，有助于维持这种不透明。公司注册文件显示，2012年，金钟道集团在安中石油和中国国际基金所持股份从香港一家控股公司转移至一家名为Magic
Wonder Holdings的公司。除了地址是英属维尔京群岛的一处邮箱外，该公司的公开信息寥寥无几。使用同一地址的还有World
Noble Holdings，它被列为由罗方红和曼努埃尔&维森特担任董事的另一家香港公司的唯一所有者。World Noble
Holdings的所有权和企业宗旨不明，为金钟道集团的企业构成蒙上了又一层神秘感。
use of offshore tax havens helps to maintain that darkness. In
2012, the network’s stakes in China Sonangol and in China
International Fund were switched from a Hong Kong holding company
to a vehicle called Magic Wonder Holdings, company filings show.
Scant public information is available about this company beyond its
address: a PO box in the British Virgin Islands. The same address
is used for World Noble Holdings, which is named as the sole owner
of another Hong Kong company, of which Lo Fong-hung and Manuel
Vicente have both served as directors. Its ownership and purpose
are unclear but it adds to the corporate secrecy that shrouds the
Queensway group.
徐京华在多斯桑托斯政权里的盟友靠石油赚得盆满钵满，他们近年来加强了对安哥拉2000万人民的控制。一些反对者被投入监狱，一些被铁棍毒打。人权组织表示，选举受到操控，令执政党占了便宜。安哥拉与尼日利亚并肩为非洲最大的产油国，罗安达随处可见起重机，建设欣欣向荣。然而，尽管总统的小圈子敛财暴富，但联合国(UN)的分析显示，在将经济增长转化为改善多数人生活水平方面，很少有国家做得像安哥拉那样差。
Flush with oil
revenue, Pa’s allies in the Dos Santos regime have in recent years
tightened their grip on Angola’s 20 million people. Some opponents
have been slung in jail, others b human rights
groups say elections are manipulated to favour the ruling party.
Angola rivals Nigeria as Africa’s biggest oil producer and Luanda
is a forest of cranes but, while the presidential coterie has grown
fabulously wealthy, UN analysis indicates that few countries have
done a worse job of turning economic growth into improved living
standards for the many.&
走出了2007年的困难，徐京华更加强大了。安哥拉解救了中国国际基金基建工程的困难。英国《金融时报》未发现有公开记录表明，香港和中国内地涉及中国国际基金的内幕交易调查有何结果。北京方面意识到，它除了与徐京华合作之外别无选择；毕竟，中国企业都建议与金钟道集团做生意。徐京华从安哥拉的桥头堡开始，以惊人的速度扩张自己的帝国。
Pa emerged from his travails of 2007
strengthened. Angola bailed out China International Fund’s
infrastructure undertakings. The FT has found no public record of
any fallout from the insider-trading investigations in Hong Kong
and China in relation to China International Fund. Beijing realised
that it had little choice but to work with Pa; Chinese companies
recommenced doing business with the Queensway group. From his
beachhead in Angola, Pa set about expanding his empire at a
dizzying pace.
徐京华学会了如何在中国和非洲之间见风使舵，然后将自己在安哥拉锤炼出的模式输出——目的地往往是那些别人不敢涉足的无赖国家。
&Having learnt how to juggle his
allegiances in China and Africa, Pa took the model he had honed in
Angola and exported it & in particular, to pariah states where few
others dared to tread.
2009年年中，徐京华和罗方红出现在几内亚。这个贫穷的西非国家富含未开采的矿藏，由军政府掌权。时任矿业部长的马哈茂德&蒂亚姆回忆道，他曾经挑战二人，让他们证明自己的确人脉广泛。“如果你们与曼努埃尔&维森特的关系真有那么好，那就带他回来见我，”蒂亚姆说道。蒂亚姆回忆道，三天后，徐京华抵达破落的几内亚首都科纳克里，带着维森特。军政府急需资金。蒂亚姆称，徐京华承诺提供3000万美元的“好意金”，这笔钱很快打给了几内亚，指定用作紧急公共支出。
In the middle of
2009, Pa and Lo turned up in Guinea, a destitute west African
nation rich in untapped minerals where a military junta had seized
power. Mahmoud Thiam, then mining minister, recalls challenging the
pair to demonstrate that they were as well connected as they
claimed. “If you are so close to Manuel Vicente, come back with
him,” Thiam said. Three days later, Pa landed in Conakry, Guinea’s
ramshackle capital, with Vicente, Thiam recalls. The junta needed
funds badly. Thiam said Pa promised a $30m “goodwill gesture” and
the money was promptly transferred to Guinea, earmarked for
emergency public spending.
双方开始谈判一笔70亿美元的协议，中国国际基金为几内亚修建基础设施，换取采矿权。就在2009年9月政府部队在国家体育场屠杀逾150名反对派示威者后，交易被公布。徐京华没有被屠杀事件吓退。蒂亚姆告诉记者，中国国际基金提供了1亿美元，以支撑军政府的财政。屠杀后不久，中国政府试图与中国国际基金保持距离。“中国政府与该公司的商业运作没有关系，”中国外交部一位发言人向在场记者表示。但短短几个月后，一家中国国有火车头公司便与中国国际基金联手向几内亚出口火车。
Discussions began on
a $7bn deal under which China International Fund would build
infrastructure in exchange for mineral rights. It was unveiled days
after troops slaughtered more than 150 opposition demonstrators at
the national stadium in September 2009. Pa was undeterred. Thiam
told me the company provided $100m to prop up the junta’s finances.
Shortly after the massacre, Beijing sought to distance itself from
China International Fund. “The Chinese government has nothing to do
with its business operations,” a Chinese foreign ministry spokesman
told reporters. But within months, a Chinese state-owned locomotive
company was exporting trains to Guinea in conjunction with the
但一次暗杀企图迫使军政府领导人流亡，2010年的选举将权力还给文职官员，徐京华的几内亚交易泡了汤。“自从我掌权后，徐京华还没有来过几内亚，”几内亚总统阿尔法&孔戴(Alpha
Cond&)去年11月份向记者表示。但中国国际基金已经将它从军政府那里获得的采矿权与在伦敦上市的小型矿业公司Bellzone所拥有的采矿权合并，组成合资企业。2012年，两家公司获得了对瑞士大宗商品交易商嘉能可(Glencore)的铁矿石供应
Sam Pa’s Guinea deal unravelled after an assassination attempt
forced the junta’s leader into exile and elections in 2010 returned
power to civilians. “Since I came to power, Sam has not been to
Guinea,” Alpha Cond&, Guinea’s president, told me in November. Yet
China International Fund has combined the mining permits it was
granted under the junta with those of Bellzone, a London-listed
mining junior, forming a joint venture. In 2012, both companies
secured rights to supply iron ore to Glencore, the Swiss commodity
徐京华马不停蹄。公开的飞行记录显示，在2014年头几个月，据信是他所乘的商务机先后在香港、新加坡（安中石油在这里设有基地）、毛里求斯、马达加斯加、马尔代夫、罗安达、哈拉雷、雅加达和北京降落过。香港高等法院在去年的一项裁决中公布了金钟道集团所付款项的分类账，显示中国国际基金2009年有一笔1170万港元（合150万美元）的“预付现金”，收款人是“Mr
Sam”（即徐京华——译者注）。其他条目表明，金钟道集团在坦桑尼亚、尼日利亚和朝鲜都有生意。
Pa is constantly on
the move. In the first months of this year, the jet he is believed
to use touched down in Hong Kong, Singapore (where China Sonangol
has a base), Mauritius, Madagascar, the Maldives, Luanda, Harare,
Jakarta and Beijing, according to public flight records. He has
large sums at his disposal. A ledger of Queensway group payments
published in a ruling by the Hong Kong high court last year records
a HK$11,700,000 ($1.5m) “cash advance” by China International Fund
to “Mr Sam” in 2009. Other entries refer to Queensway group
dealings in Tanzania, Nigeria and North Korea.
法院的裁决还使外界得以一瞥金钟道集团拉拢非洲国家政府的手段。当年帮助金钟道集团做成首笔石油交易的中国商人武洋声称，他没有得到自己应得的4000万美元分红。在分析这桩纠纷的证词时，香港法官写道，相关利润被用于在安哥拉“买通官员”。付款分类账显示，金钟道集团在别处也使用了相同的伎俩。分类账显示，在中国国际基金获得莫桑比克采矿权的2009年，一家金钟道集团的公司以“项目贷款”的名义将30万美元付给安东尼奥&伊纳西奥(Antonio
Junior)——这是莫桑比克驻中国大使的名字。这位大使未回应记者请求置评的传真信。安中石油在信中拒绝回答有关这笔贷款的问题。
That court ruling
also offered a glimpse of the Queensway group’s techniques in
courting African governments. Weighing testimony in a dispute
involving Wu Yang, a Chinese businessman who claimed he had not
been paid some $40m in dividends for helping to broker the
Queensway group’s original oil deal, the Hong Kong judge wrote that
the profits were being used to “curry favour” in Angola. And the
ledger of payments suggested similar tactics elsewhere. According
to the ledger, in 2009, the year that China International Fund
secured mining rights in Mozambique, a Queensway group company made
a “loan for project” worth $300,000 to Antonio Inacio Junior & the
name of Mozambique’s ambassador in Beijing. The ambassador did not
respond to a faxed China Sonangol, in its
letter, declined to answer questions about the loan.
随着记者和活动人士将金钟道集团的拼图越拼越完整，美国政府也把关注的目光投向徐京华，尤其是因为安中石油于2008年买下了曼哈顿最著名的建筑之一：位于华尔街23号的摩根大通前总部大楼。今年4月，徐京华那种专与暴君打交道的生意经终于产生后果：美国财政部将他的7个化名列入制裁名单，被视为津巴布韦罗伯特&穆加贝政权的积极支持者。
As journalists and
activists have added more pieces to the Queensway puzzle,
Washington has taken an interest in Sam Pa & not least because, in
2008, China Sonangol bought one of the most celebrated pieces of
Manhattan real estate, the former JPMorgan building at 23 Wall
Street. In April this year, Pa’s willingness to deal with despots
began to catch up with him: the US Treasury added his seven names
to the list of those subject to sanctions because they are deemed
to be active supporters of Robert Mugabe’s regime in
美国并未透露这样做的具体原因。但在2012年，英国反腐团体Global
Witness发布报告，援引了所谓津巴布韦泄密情报文件，称徐京华以200辆机动车和1亿美元打点了穆加贝的秘密警察，之后获准从军方控制的马兰吉钻石矿区出口钻石。（Global
Witness报告公布之后，中国国际基金的律师表示，公司向津巴布韦政府提供资金“是出于合法的商业理由”，否认向秘密警察提供资金，并称，那家被授予马兰吉钻石开采权、与金钟道集团有关联的公司认为该矿不具商业开发价值，所以“没有出口一个克拉的钻石”。）
The US did not
disclose its specific reasons. But in 2012, the British
anti-corruption group Global Witness had published a report based
on what it said were leaked Zimbabwean intelligence documents
showing that Pa had been allowed to export diamonds from the
military-controlled Marange fields after he furnished Mugabe’s
secret police with 200 vehicles and $100m. (Following the Global
Witness report, lawyers for China International Fund said the
company had provided funds to the Zimbabwean government for
“legitimate business reasons”, denied having funded the secret
police and said the Queensway-linked company that had been granted
a Marange diamond concession had deemed it unviable and had
exported “not a single carat”.)
美国冻结被制裁人士和公司在美资产，禁止美国人与他们做生意。但因为徐京华名义上只是金钟道集团公司的顾问，他出现在制裁名单上不一定影响集团的活动。新合同接踵而至。俄罗斯兼并克里米亚之后，在弗拉基米尔&普京(Vladimir
Putin)总统访华期间，徐京华代表中国国际基金签署协议，承建莫斯科的一条新地铁线。
US sanctions freeze
the US assets of targeted people and companies and prohibit
Americans from doing business with them. But because Pa is formally
only an adviser to Queensway companies, his presence on the
sanctions list will not necessarily curtail the group’s activities.
New deals have followed. During President Vladimir Putin’s visit to
China in the wake of Russia’s annexation of Crimea, Pa signed a
deal for China International Fund to work on a new Metro line in
在10年的交易撮合中，徐京华表现出韧性。“他仍然带着名片盒，仍然知道如何接近脆弱国家的精英，而最重要的是，他知道如何暗中操作，游离于执法机构的触角之外，”J&R&梅利(J
Mailey)表示。梅利是2009年美国国会一份报告的作者之一，该报告调查了金钟道集团，并首次使用了“金钟道集团”这一名称。梅利目前在为五角大楼的非洲战略研究中心(Africa
Center for Strategic Studies)撰写第二份有关该集团的报告。
Through a decade of
deal-making, Sam Pa has demonstrated resilience. “He still has the
Rolodex, he still knows how to get close to elites in fragile
states and, most importantly, he knows how to operate under the
radar and just beyond the reach of law enforcement,” says J R
Mailey, one of the authors of a 2009 US congressional report on the
Queensway group, which coined its name, and who is preparing a
second report on the group at the Pentagon’s Africa Center for
Strategic Studies.&
中国带来的机遇让非洲各国兴奋不已。但也有人嗅到了危险。直到近期还担任尼日利亚央行行长的改革派人士拉米多&萨努西(Lamido
Sanusi)警告称，接受中国的追求意味着，“非洲正在心甘情愿地向新形式的帝国主义敞开怀抱。”徐京华是全球化时代的产物，融合国家、企业和个人权势，其手法令人遥想起一个更早的时代。我曾与两位非洲资深矿业高管交谈——一位在安哥拉，一位在津巴布韦——他们将金钟道帝国比作塞西尔&罗兹(Cecil
Rhodes)，100多年前，这位英国殖民家和矿业大亨呼风唤雨，追逐南部非洲的宝藏。“这就像罗兹一样，”其中一人表示，“试图再一次征服非洲。”
China’s arrival has
sent a frisson of possibility through Africa. But some sense
danger. Lamido Sanusi, until recently the reformist governor of
Nigeria’s central bank, has warned that, in embracing its Chinese
suitors, “Africa is now willingly opening itself up to a new form
of imperialism”. Sam Pa is a creature of the era of globalisation,
fusing state, corporate and personal power in ways that recall an
older age. Two seasoned African mining executives I spoke to & one
in Angola, another in Zimbabwe & likened the Queensway empire to
Cecil Rhodes, the British colonialist-cum-mining magnate who
suborned southern Africa in pursuit of its riches more than a
century ago. “It’s like Rhodes,” said one, “trying to conquer
Africa all over again.”
本文作者为英国《金融时报》调查记者、前驻约翰内斯堡和拉各斯记者。他讲述非洲石油和矿业的著作《掠夺机器》(Looting
Machine)将于明年由哈珀科林(Harper Collins)和PublicAffairs出版。朱莉(Julie
Zhu)香港、林恩&戴维斯(Lynn Davis)补充报道
已投稿到：
以上网友发言只代表其个人观点，不代表新浪网的观点或立场。